The present work offers an edition and English translation of the Arabic version of the Life of Stephen of Mar Sabas. When Stephen died in 794 A.D., a vivid account of his life was drawn up within a few years of his death by one of his disciples, Leontius of Damascus. In part autobiographical, Leontius' account offers a unique glimpse into the life of the Palestinian monasteries in the early Islamic period. It also sheds important light on a (...) host of other issues. Among these: the social history of early Islamic Syria and Palestine, the history of the Jerusalem patriarchate, and early Muslim-Christian relations. The present work should be of interest both to scholars of church history and to historians of early Islam. (shrink)

Léontius de Jérusalem est un important théologien néo-chalcédonien de la première moitié du VIe siècle. Il est l'auteur présumé de deux ouvrages de christologie, Contre les monophysites et Contre les nestoriens. La première pourrait être une source possible de la Lettre aux moines d'Alexandrie de Justinien. Il semble en effet que le Contre les monophysites de Léontius ait servi de canevas préliminaire pour Justinien qui l'a ensuite pris pour modèle de structure de la Lettre aux moines d'Alexandrie. Léontius pourrait donc (...) être la source de l'intérêt de Justinien pour un modèle d'hypostase exposé dans Sur la vraie foi. (shrink)

Leontius of Jerusalem is considered the most accomplished of the neo-Chalcedonian theologians of the sixth century. He shows himself, in his Testimonies of the Saints, to be an ecumenical theologian attempting to convince Syrian anti-Chalcedonians that their objections to Chalcedon are baseless, since all agree, beneath their antithetical formulae, on a christology of hypostatic union. They are urged to abandon their self-important yet discredited mentor, Severus, and to see that Chalcedon had no secret agenda. Gray's edition of this important (...) early Christian treatise provides an introduction, the Greek text, and notes, together with a new translation into readable, modern English. (shrink)

The concept of “enhypostaton” was introduced into theological discourse during the sixth-century Christological debates with the aim of justifying the unitary subjectivity of Christ by reclassifying Christ’s human nature as ontically non-independent. The coinage of the term is commonly ascribed to Leontius of Byzantium. Its conceptual content has been recognized by contemporary scholarship as relevant to the core issues of Christology, as well as possessing significance for such philosophical questions as individuation and the nature of individual entityhood. Even so, (...) despite its role in the formation of classical Christological thought, the notion of “enhypostaton” is often regarded as obscure and not clearly defined. This paper aims to shed some light on the meaning of Leontius’ conception of it, in respect of its specifically philosophical import. (shrink)

In Republic 4, Plato’s Socrates argues that there are three elements in the soul: the rational, the spirited, and the appetitive. This paper focuses on the argument distinguishing spirit from appetite in the story of Leontius. I shall argue that the rational element first opposes Leontius’ appetite and, when appetite overpowers reason, then Leontius’ spirited part opposes the appetitive. Consequently, there is a kind of disgust that would be appropriately characterized as rational; and, drawing on this consequence, (...) I suggest that the primary target of early ethical education is the rational element of the soul. (shrink)

Introduction: -/- It is likely that Boethius (480-524ce) inaugurates, in Latin Christian theology, the consideration of personhood as such. In the Treatise Against Eutyches and Nestorius Boethius gives a well-known definition of personhood according to genus and difference(s): a person is an individual substance of a rational nature. Personhood is predicated only of individual rational substances. This chapter situates Boethius in relation to significant Christian theologians before and after him, and the way in which his definition of personhood is a (...) particular answer to the question, “Jesus has two natures, a divine nature and a human nature, but is one what?” Among Greek (and Syriac) speaking theologians, the typical answer is that Jesus is one ‘hypostasis’. Among Latin speaking theologians, the typical answer is that Jesus is one ‘persona’. It is Boethius’s definition of ‘persona’ that inaugurates personhood as such in Latin speaking theology. Although the Greek and Syriac theologians that I survey come close to a concept of personhood as a distinct category, they do not have such a concept and did not need it for their theological purposes. I show that Rusticus the Deacon is an early witness to this Latin theological invention, and also show that for later Latin theologians, the rationality condition for personhood does very little metaphysical work for their Trinitarian theology or Christology. -/- Further, this chapter surveys Patristic and Medieval Christian theologians’ answers to the question, “God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit are one God, but each is one what?” The same replies as above are typically given by Christian theologians. These two theological questions frame the discussion about personhood (and ‘hypostasis’) and put a boundary around what a satisfying account of personhood (and ‘hypostasis’) would be. -/- In contemporary philosophy, there is a lot of attention paid to the rationality condition for personhood. But if we look at the text in which Boethius defines a person, we do not find any precise criteria for it. In other texts, he says that a rational being is one compatible with (capable of) thought and free choice of the will. What we find is that detailed discussion of personhood shows up in theological questions about the Trinity and Incarnation, but not in e.g., applied ethics. The intrusion of personhood into contemporary applied ethics with a focus on detailed and disputed criteria for rationality as a condition for personhood seems to be a modern development. From a Patristic and Medieval Christian theology point of view, trying to find just the right detailed criteria for rationality in order to define personhood is a wild goose chase. This chapter makes clear another contribution that Christian theology had for personhood. Given the theological issues at play in developing a notion of personhood, Christian theologians came to posit that e.g., an individual human is a person contingently (i.e. not essentially), but God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit are each a person essentially. The contingency for created persons is not based on whether e.g., an individual human has conscious acts (as might be the case for John Locke) but on the possibility of a divine person’s assuming e.g., an individual human nature. -/- This sampling of Christian intellectual history spans over one thousand years. I make no claim of being exhaustive. The chapter consists of six sections, where each section covers significant historical conversation partners who together represent the sorts of things that Patristic and Medieval Christian theologians where concerned with in theorizing about ‘persona’ or ‘hypostasis’. -/- 1. Origen of Alexandria and the Cappadocians: Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nyssa 2. Miaphysites: Severus of Antioch, John Philoponus, and Peter of Callinicum 3. Boethius and Rusticus the Deacon: Rationality, Subsistence, and the Invention of Personhood 4. Neo-Chalcedonians (II): Leontius of Byzantium 5. Scholastic Neo-Chalcedonians (I): Gilbert of Poitiers, Richard of St. Victor, William of Auxerre, Alexander of Hales, Bonaventure, Thomas Aquinas, and William of Ware 6. Scholastic Neo-Chalcedonians (II): Henry of Ghent, John Duns Scotus, and William of Ockham . (shrink)

Conminado por su deseo apetitivo de mirar unos cadáveres en descomposición, Leoncio no puede resistir y, encolerizado, cede a la tentación (República 439e-440a). El episodio pretende mostrar que la impulsividad y el apetito constituyen dos partes distintas del alma. La pregunta es: si no hay intervención de la racionalidad, ¿según qué parámetro el thymós considera que mirar los cadáveres es algo que no se debe hacer? Si, como creen algunos especialistas, el thymós actúa según un marco axiológico aportado por lo (...) logistikón, entonces Leoncio sería un incontinente. En el presente artículo intentaremos mostrar, apelando a diversos pasajes de los libros VIII y IX de la República, que Leoncio no es un incontinente, sino que la parte impulsiva del alma no se opone al apetito según parámetros vinculados con la racionalidad, sino propios. Forced by his appetitive desire to look at some corpses, Leontius can not resist and, furiously, yields to the temptation and looks at them (Republic 439e-440a). The episode tries to show that the spirited and the appetitive are two different parts of the soul. If there is no intervention of rationality, the question is: according to which parameter the thymós considers that looking at the corpses is something that must not be done? If, like some scholars believe, thymós is guided by values given by the logistikón, then Leontius would be an incontinent agent. In this paper we shall try to show that, according to several passages of books VIII and IX of the Republic, Leontius is not an incontinent agent since the spirited part of his soul challenges the appetitive part not because of rational principles but because the values it defends on itself. (shrink)

This paper is about the contribution of Saint Augustine to the reform of the Catholic Church in North Africa, through his ministry of preaching. When he was still a priest at Hippo, Augustine waged a forceful and successful war against some pagan practices which had gradually crept into the Church. The common practice of celebrating the dead in the Roman world was being applied to the Saints of the Church and Christians were celebrating their memory by getting drunk. The prohibition (...) of such practices by the authority of the Church met with the resistance of the faithful, so Augustine decided to act precisely through the power of the Word he proclaimed to his flock. In his Letter 29 addressed to Alypius the Bishop of Thagaste, he narrates how he convinced the faithful to stop the celebration of the feast called Laetitia on the feast day of Saint Leontius. After sketching the background of the devotion to the Saints in North Africa, our study examines the line of Augustine’s argumentation that led to the success of this preaching, and hence shows how he contributed to the reform of the Church of his day. (shrink)

In our scientific reconnaissance we have repeatedly turned to the analysis of social and spiritual origins, features of the doctrine of religious association of the charismatic orientation of the Orthodox origin of the Leontians, the personality of Leontius, the activities of his followers. Again, the small work of the Archpriest of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, Vasily Ostapchuk, entitled "The Life and Activity of Father Leonti", published in 500 in Rivne in 2006, forced us to turn (...) to the figure of Leonti, his teachings and activities. (shrink)

According to Cornelis Datema, the still mysterious Leontius of Con-stantinople preached sometime around 557, whereas Michel Asmus places him between the end of the 4th century and the mid-5th century. This paper contends that the memory of a deceased bishop that closes the homily Nat. refers to Theodore I, patriarch of Constantinople, who died on 28 December 687. The article also shows that Leontius cannot possibly have lived earlier than the mid-6th century.

The concept of enhypostaton was introduced into theological discourse during the sixth-century Christological debates, and aimed to elucidate the orthodox doctrine of the unity of two natures in the singular hypostasis of Christ. In spite of the fact that the conceptual content of the term is recognized by contemporary scholarship as pertaining to the core of Christology, the notion of enhypostaton is often described as obscure and not clearly defined. The coining of the term is often ascribed to Leontius (...) of Byzantium, whereas in fact he only followed and developed solutions already introduced into Christological discourse by John the Grammarian. The article aims to clarify the notion by offering a philosophical account of the meaning and theoretical origins of “enhypostaton,” as introduced by John the Grammarian in the context of his discussion of substance as en-hypostatical being. Enhypostaton emerges as the proper way of describing the ontological complements of a particular entity. This seems to be a significant development in the philosophical explanation of substance. (shrink)

The monumental Florilegium Coislinianum can be dated in the 9th-10th century and originally contained all the letters up to Omega, but now the most complete manuscript, Parisinus gr. 923 , ends at Psi. Hitherto only the third book has been made available in a critical edition, while the rest of the anthology is still not accessible in a printed version. This article presents the critical edition of the second book , containing some interesting fragments attributed e.g. to a certain (...) class='Hi'>Leontius the Damascene, to Athanasius of Alexandria and to John Chrysostom. (shrink)

Through the efforts of the Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes (IRHT), a list of manuscripts is available that preserves homilies on the healing of the paralytic. Included in this list is the codex Athonensis, Lauras A 112 (Eustratiadis 112), which, according to those who provided its second description, preserves in the last four folios ‘a homily on the paralytic by John Chrysostom’. After a brief presentation of what is known about this codex, this article offers a detailed examination (...) of the codex’s last four folios, revealing that the description of them by Spyridon Lauriotis and Sophronios Eustratiadis is inaccurate. Contribution: This article provides the first thorough examination of the last four folios of the codex Athonensis, Lauras A 112 (Eustratiadis 112), demonstrating that they do not contain ‘a homily on the paralytic by John Chrysostom’ but rather several fragments of homilies on Thomas, Mid-Pentecost and the Ascension. Thus, the article contributes to the description of the codex and to the identification of a previously unknown manuscript witness to several homilies. (shrink)