In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Life is GoodAnnette ChacosI live in Hervey Bay. I’m a member of several social groups. I have adult children and grandchildren, and many lovely friends. I love to write. Most importantly I love The Lord Jesus Who has been my strength, bringing me through the good times, the not so good times, and the, ‘I’m throwing in the towel’ times.I was first diagnosed with a brain tumour in 1997. (...) Prior to knowing about the tumour and for some time after its removal I had little or no memory of events. The tumour was a left Frontal Meningioma (benign). For some time afterward I was partially [End Page 189] paralyzed. Now there is only some weakness on the right side of my body. Epilepsy too became part of my life. There are different types of seizures, which are rarely, if ever, amusing.Humour is very important. If you can’t laugh at the things that happen life would be a constant tale of woe. I’m very blessed. There are so many people who are much worse off than myself.My storyIn July 1997 my husband went to see if everything was okay because I wasn’t up out of bed yet. I was lying across the bed in a disheveled state. After being cleaned up I was taken to the local hospital. The duty doctor, who hadn’t even seen me, told my son that he didn’t think there was much wrong and to take me home. My sons refused and insisted that the doctor admit me. He did.I was diagnosed with a urinary tract infection. My memories of this are scattered. I learned some time later that I had had a Tonic Clonic seizure (formerly known as “grand mal” seizures which are commonly associated with epilepsy). After I came out of hospital I saw my general practitioner (GP). She sent me for an x–ray, and then to see a Neurosurgeon. An MRI was taken and there was a large tumour in my brain.My memory of this time is poor. I do recall a friend phoning and I told her I was going into hospital to have a brain tumour removed. After fifteen years she is still saying I was so matter of fact about it. I now know that my emotions, like my memory, was at a very low ebb due to the tumour. There was no caring or worrying. If there was, in the next minute, probably second, it was forgotten.Before going into hospital my late husband said to the kids “better take a photograph of your mother in case she dies.” I was told about that comment some time later. What a comfort! Then one day the photo turned up. It was so ugly I tore it up. You’ll note I said the photo was ugly!The operation took place in Canberra hospital, at the end of August. It was to be earlier but they deferred it because an emergency came in. They were going to defer it again, by which time I was mute and non–responsive. My daughter Maria arrived from Melbourne and my daughter Katrina and her husband Kevin came from America with their 3–month–old baby. My son Libe arrived from Sydney. Marcus, my youngest, lived locally, as did my daughter Tania. On hearing the operation was to be deferred again they took action informing hospital staff they were going to the local MP and the A Current Affair television show. So l had the operation—it was much easier to put me under the scalpel than battle the bureaucracy!I have only one film from that MRI. Where the others are I don’t know. According to Dr C, the tumour was very large. But to me, what does size matter—it was no longer there. Most importantly, I survived. The ten days I was in hospital are mostly forgotten. The few people I remember are like snapshots. No one moved, or so it seemed to me.In 2006, the second tumour was removed. It was discovered by the same lovely GP, who found the first one. I was... (shrink)

Cet article est un premier essai d’étude historique sur les relations de genre dans les sociétés indigènes du Chaco, en Amérique du Sud. Le traitement de cette question nécessitant de travailler à partir de contextes sociaux, temporels et spatiaux concrets, nous avons situé l’analyse dans un secteur de la « frontière » chaquéenne placé sous la juridiction argentine, à des moments immédiatement antérieurs et postérieurs à la campagne militaire engagée pour soumettre les populations indigènes entre 1884 et 1911. Nous (...) travaillons ainsi depuis un front de colonisation interne pour repérer les changements que cette situation a provoqués sur les relations, les rôles sociaux et les identités des hommes et des femmes autochtones. L’analyse repose sur des sources issues de deux moments différents du processus de colonisation : le moment initial, à partir des missions franciscaines établies sur les bords du fleuve Bermejo pour évangéliser les Matacos ; puis l’apogée du processus, lorsque les Matacos furent incorporés comme brassiers salariés dans les raffineries sucrières. (shrink)

Around 750 a.d., new settlements in Chaco Canyon in the Southwest United States began moving toward intensified urban form, monumental architecture, and increased hierarchical social organization that bordered on nation-state authority. But around 1140 a.d., the relatively concentrated populations in Chaco Canyon dispersed over just a few generations. At new destinations emigrants from the canyon did not reinstate the urban intensities and political hierarchies that had dominated there. Four lessons from this history can be drawn. First, the model (...) of social and political coordination that best fits the history of Chaco Canyon is one of escalating and deescalating gift-giving. Models that instead appeal to purely transactional relations, such as contracts, are historically and philosophically inadequate. Second, and more broadly, the real power of any well-functioning, complex, and urbanized society must be a reserve of generalized social trust. This was true then, and remains true today. Third, while environmental pressures play important roles in the formation of foundational urban settlements such as those in Chaco Canyon, we should be careful not to explain too much by them. As then, our own environmental challenges call upon us to nurture political arrangements, especially in our cities, that can address environmental constraints and challenges. Except perhaps when circumstances become impossibly dire, we should treat environmental constraints as the boundaries into which we must fit ourselves through political means. Finally, philosophers should investigate developments in historical urban settlements. Such cases are indispensable for understanding human cooperation, forms of social authority, and environmental decision making. (shrink)

El discernimiento de espíritus ha sido a lo largo de la historia del cristianismo un mecanismo fundamental para el control del acceso al carisma. Su desarrollo ha estado profundamente ligado a los cambios en la estructura social de las iglesias. Por ello buscamos aportar nuevas miradas sobre este dispositivo, analizándolo en el contexto de las periferias cristianas. Específicamente centraremos nuestro análisis en las iglesias evangélicas aborígenes mocoví del suroeste de la provincia del Chaco en Argentina. Nos aproximaremos a estas (...) cuestiones a partir del análisis a la estructura social de estas iglesias, sus concepciones sobre los vínculos con las potencias no-humanas, la gestión de salud y enfermedad y la experiencia del culto. (shrink)

Le chineo est une coutume héritée de l’époque coloniale selon laquelle un homme criollo s’introduit dans les communautés indigènes pour avoir des relations sexuelles avec leurs femmes. Parfois librement consenties, ces unions sont toutefois souvent réalisées avec violence. Les plaintes pour viols commencent à être davantage entendues par la justice argentine. L’analyse d’un procès tenu en 2007 souligne le rôle joué par des travaux anthropologiques et historiques dans l’argumentaire de l’un des juges.

Los desafíos en las lecturas de fuentes documentales aparecen de modo frecuente en los cruces entre antropología e historia. Tanto desde la antropología histórica como desde la etnohistoria —campos de interacción difusos y a veces superpuestos, en ambos casos la búsqueda de información cualitativa sobre grupos sociales del pasado proviene del estudio de fuentes documentales— han surgido metáforas útiles que se convirtieron en verdaderas metodologías: lectura a contrapelo, against the grain, along the grain, entre líneas, etc. Menos se ha discutido (...) sobre la composición del corpus y la periodización que las investigadoras hacemos o replicamos al abordar nuestros trabajos. Siguiendo a Walter Mignolo (1995) y otros, me interesa discutir la articulación de un corpus históricamente diverso a partir de la noción de “semiosis colonial”. De acuerdo con esta idea, los distintos tipos de fuentes se vinculan por el referente que comparten, la situación colonial, sean o no producidas durante el período colonial. A partir del caso de una serie de documentos escogidos para la primera mitad del siglo XX en Argentina, sugiero que el estudio de las continuidades y rupturas se beneficia de un corpus que no suele ser considerado por los estudios coloniales. Para el caso de los imaginarios sobre los grupos indígenas del Chaco, señalo algunos beneficios y desafíos en tomar dos tipos de fuentes distintas en su intención, producción y circulación (informes ministeriales e historiografía oficial) para dar cuenta de su relación con un período anterior. Considero que tal ejercicio, lejos de restar especificidad a nuestra tarea, contribuye con una comprensión más compleja del período colonial y con la posibilidad de una mejor comunicación des-disciplinaria. (shrink)

Luego de las campañas militares que el Estado argentino emprende contra los pueblos indígenas en la Patagonia y el Gran Chaco, a fines del siglo XIX cobra importancia el problema de qué hacer con los indígenas desplazados de sus tierras. En este contexto emerge la propuesta de aculturación del indígena a través de reducciones civiles, que en Argentina tiene como principal impulsor a Enrique Lynch Arribálzaga, fundador de la Reducción de Napalpí en 1911 y encargado de supervisar la misma (...) entre 1912 y 1917. El modelo de reducciones civiles confronta con las misiones religiosas, de larga tradición en América, y con diferentes alternativas de colonias civiles y militares, resultando el proyecto más favorecido en cuanto al financiamiento estatal. En este artículo, nos enfocamos en las tensiones y ambigüedades que se encuentran en la imagen del indígena que sostiene el autor como también en las cambiantes posiciones que su gestión despierta en la sociedad chaqueña, para lo cual analizamos el periódico El Colono, principal diario de Resistencia a principios del siglo XX. Investigamos de qué manera se posicionan los diferentes actores de la sociedad chaqueña ante las discusiones y proyectos en torno a los indígenas de la región, los puntos principales de conflicto y las representaciones con las que discurre la disputa en torno al lugar –simbólico y real- de los indígenas chaqueños. (shrink)

There is no doubt that soybean is the most important crop for Argentina, with a planted surface that rose 11,000,000 hectares and a production of around 35,000,000 metric tons. During the 1990s, there was a significant agriculture transformation in the country, motorize by the adoption of transgenic crops (soy-bean, maize, and cotton) under the no-tillage system. The expansion of this model has been spread not only in the Pampas but also in very rich areas with high biodiversity, opening a new (...) agricultural border to important eco-regions like the Yungas, Great Chaco, and the Mesopotamian Forest. Transgenic cropping is a powerful technology. This produced relevant transformations over the environment and society where it is allowed. Migration, concentration of agribusiness, and loss of food sovereignty are some of the social results. Landscape transformation in the rural sector is evident, and the appearance of tolerance weeds to glyphosate is a reality. Nutrient depletion, soil-structure degradation, potential desertification, and loss of species are other consequences on the environmental level. (shrink)

Causal cognition – how we perceive, represent and reason about causal events – are fundamental to the human mind, but it has rarely been approached in its cultural specificity. Here, we investigate this core concept among Wichi people, an indigenous group living in Chaco Forest. We focus on the Wichi, because their epistemological orientations and explanatory frameworks about ecosystem differ importantly from those documented among most Western majority-culture populations. We asked participants to reason about causes of events that involve (...) the hunhat lheley (inhabitants of the earth: humans, non-human animals, plants and spiritual beings) and other entities of their ecosystem (e.g., lagoon). We find a native ontological framework that encompasses three interacting organizing principles. This new evidence highlights ways in which native categories guide causal reasoning. Our research challenge long-held assumptions that dichotomies – nature-culture or natural-supernatural – are universal features of the human mind. (shrink)

Environmental protection presents a challenge for commodity-producing democracies. To account for the enforcement of environmental laws in decentralized systems, this article proposes a multilevel approach that highlights the importance of national laws and subnational implementation rules to the politics of enforcement. This approach contrasts with prominent scholarship that focuses on sanctions and the electoral incentives and bureaucratic resources of enforcers. The advantages of the multilevel approach are demonstrated by the enforcement of the native forest protection regime in the Argentine (...) class='Hi'>Chaco Forest, which is shaped not only by whether sanctions on illegal deforestation are applied by subnational authorities but also by the design of both the national law and subnational regulations. The article employs quantitative data and case studies based on extensive fieldwork to show how affected subnational organized interests influenced the design of the NFPR and the provincial regulations that weaken or strengthen enforcement. (shrink)

Looking at the finding of several archeoastronomers, who examine the relationship of built cultures to celestial bodies, this essay speculates on the unique relationship of the inhabitants of Chaco Canyon in New Mexico to the earth and sky. The Anasazi who populated this region suddenly disappeared around 1000 A.D. and little is known about their culture, religion, and world except by studying the structures they left behind. This essay looks at their kivas, dwellings, the puzzling “Sun dagger” monument, and (...) the petroglyphs throughout the canyon to understand the many ways that each structure through use of light andspace marked the occurrence of a surprising number of celestial events. There is good evidence that the Anasazi dwelled within the sky and felt a continuity between earth and sky in a way to which postmodern cultures have little access. The unity of body and surround, especially as ascending into the sky from the earth, is linked to a spirituality at odds with the legacy of Plato and others, who oppose the celestial to the earthly, as an inferior realm. (shrink)

Salvador Bucca fue Profesor Titular de Lingüística de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, entre 1955 y 1983. Se formó en Italia y Estados Unidos. En calidad de docente y director del Centro de Estudios Lingüísticos, visitó en reiteradas ocasiones el nordeste argentino, para estudiar las lenguas de las comunidades locales. En este artículo nos enfocamos en sus viajes a la provincia de Formosa para realizar trabajo de campo en 1961, 1964 y 1968. En este sentido, (...) señalamos la importancia de su figura en torno a la gestación de los primeros estudios sobre las lenguas indígenas chaqueñas. Este trabajo forma parte de un estudio más amplio de los documentos donados por la familia del Dr. Salvador Bucca al Archivo del Laboratorio de Documentación e Investigación en Lingüística y Antropología (DILA), tarea iniciada en 2019 por parte de un equipo de la Universidad Nacional de Formosa con la transcripción de los cuadernos de campo del Dr. Bucca. La fuente que presentamos corresponde a un extracto del Cuaderno N° 4, donde el lingüista describe su viaje a través de la predominantemente rural provincia de Formosa en el invierno de 1964. En este sentido, se destacan los problemas de movilidad y hospedaje, y la reticencia de algunos funcionarios y miembros de las fuerzas de seguridad a colaborar con la investigación. La contracara está representada por los misioneros de los distintos cultos cristianos que le facilitaron el contacto con sus informantes locales. (shrink)

The Chacoan road system is an understudied aspect of a very unique culture in New Mexico. The extensive roads present important evidence to the social structure of the Chaco people. A few theories have been presented about the reason for the roads, such as economic, administrative and religion. This paper argues that the roads were used for military purposes, because the roads provided quick access to all satellite townships in the region.

Le point de départ de cet article est la thèse développée en 1991 par Isabelle Combès et Thierry Saignes sur la naissance de l’ethnie et l’identité chiriguano, « essentiellement » métisses. Le rapport au métissage des Chiriguano et Chané semble paradoxal. Bien qu’ils soient considérés comme un exemple paradigmatique de métissage amérindien, certains points de vue contemporains condamnent l’ethnie à la disparition en raison, précisément, du métissage avec les Blancs. Les Chiriguano et Chané, quant à eux, rejettent aujourd’hui toute idée (...) de mélange, se proclamant seulement « Guaraní ». À partir d’une double étude de cas (l’Isoso bolivien et le nord-ouest argentin), on relativise d’abord le postulat de la complète absorption des Chané dans l’ensemble chiriguano ; on analyse ensuite les différents types de métissage existants, et leur relation dans un schéma asymétrique que crée une véritable échelle de valeurs entre différentes ethnies. On suggère finalement que l’ambivalence idéologique qui entoure le métissage découle précisément du fait qu’il s’agit d’une construction elle-même métisse, produit de la fusion entre les idéologies chané et guaraní. (shrink)

En este artículo, se presentan hallazgos parciales de una investigación más amplia referidos a la intervención de la educación moral en los procesos de subjetivación política y formación de disposiciones políticas en jóvenes de clases altas. Se toman como objeto las experiencias informadas por ex alumnos de un colegio de clases altas del conurbano norte bonaerense, participantes de una actividad solidaria realizada en una escuela carenciada del Chaco y publicadas en la página web institucional. Desde una perspectiva bourdeana, en (...) diálogo con los estudios sobre educación de clases altas y élites, y con la psicología cultural, se analizan los informes escritos por los jóvenes, focalizando en la relación entre esquemas morales, afectos y disposiciones políticas. Se problematiza la intervención específica de este tipo de prácticas centradas en “la solidaridad”, dado que se trata de un concepto nodal en el contexto de estudio que articula el valor moral con una praxis de reconocimiento, permitiendo reconstruir lazos e identidades en común tras la crisis de 2001, configurada luego como hito generacional entre los jóvenes. Se concluye que la experiencia solidaria brindada por la escuela es sumamente relevante en términos de procesos de subjetivación política, debido a que: a) construye esquemas morales del mundo social basados en un encuentro con “el otro” (el pobre), propiciado por la escuela en condiciones distintas a las que acompañan los intercambios reales entre sujetos de clases sociales desiguales en su contexto cotidiano, y b) confirma y legitima el autorreconocimiento de clase de los alumnos participantes como sujetos activos (los que al dar, donan), promoviendo sus disposiciones políticas desde una moral humanista fundada en su pertenencia de clase, más que desde una comprensión política de los fundamentos de la desigualdad social. (shrink)

From approximately 900 to 1300 a.d., a period known to climatologists and historians of science as the Little Climatic Optimum, temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere averaged one or two degrees Fahrenheit above normal—this according to ice‐core samples, tree ring analysis, the calculation of sea levels, and other standards of measurement. In what would become known as the Four Corners region of the United States, the culture of the Anasazi flourished as never before in the now‐famous ruins of such magnificent cliff (...) dwellings as Chaco Canyon. Meanwhile, far to the north, the Viking raider and convicted killer Eric the Red brought European civilization by open boat to Greenland, so named to attract wary settlers whose common sense dictated that these harsh surroundings might spell their doom. Yet both cultures would flourish for upward of three hundred years.Things began to change for the worse in the latter half of the thirteenth century, as shifts in wind and weather ushered in the so‐called Little Ice Age, which lasted from about 1300 to 1850. Brian Fagan, a professor of archaeology at the University of California at Santa Barbara and the author of more than a dozen books, most of which are directed at the general reader, observes this period through the lens of climate change, with particular emphasis on what transpired in an anxious and often turbulent Europe.From 1300 onward the climate grew cooler, more stormy, and subject to sporadic extremes—in a word, unpredictable. Glaciers and pack ice advanced; rivers never known to freeze over became natural skating rinks; blizzards enveloped and erased the frozen landscape; and people starved and froze to death in the seemingly endless winters depicted by the Flemish master Peter Brueghel. At other times the climatic seesaw drove temperatures up, replacing bitter cold with blazing summers, drought, or torrential rains, changes that could take place in a single season or across decades. In between there were long periods of mild winters and warm summers that saw the harvesting of bountiful crops. But overall temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere declined, boosting the misery index of Europeans left to wonder what they had done to so offend an angry God.Unlike the current greenhouse warming ushered in by the Industrial Revolution, the climatic variability of the Little Ice Age remains, in Fagan's words, “a conundrum.” He speculates that it may have had much to do with a shift in the great ocean conveyor belt that rushes, like a thousand Amazons, from Southern Hemisphere to Northern and back again. Or it may be associated with the virtual disappearance of sunspots during much of the period under scrutiny, or with some other phenomenon that we know much too little about.The scientific causes aside, the author takes great pains to disassociate himself from what he calls “environmental determinism,” the notion that climate change has been a primary trigger for major historical events or that it has been the single most important cause of any civilization's decline and fall. Rather, he sees it as one of many factors, including politics, war, religion, and population shifts, that scholars must fold into their teaching of history and related subjects. This may be so in many instances, but how else to explain the literal overnight disappearance of the Anasazi from the Chaco, where the ashes from their fires of six hundred years ago lie scattered on the floor? Then there are the haunting words of Ivar Bardarson, a seafaring Norwegian priest who, in 1361, sailed up Greenland's west coast, hoping to make contact with his fellow Christians, from whom nothing had been heard for several years because of the ice. Search though they did, Bardarson and his companions found no survivors, causing the priest to remark: “There was never a man.”This well‐written and copiously illustrated book will make excellent reading for generalist and professional alike. And for those wishing to introduce the subject of climate change to undergraduates by placing it within a historical context, The Little Ice Age offers an excellent place to start. (shrink)