Nella notazione musicale ancora alla metà del Duecento i valori di durata sono organizzati in raggruppamenti di piedi ritmici costruiti su un minimo di durata , che è anche unità di misura del tempo musicale, corrispondente alla sillaba. Con la nascita della notazione mensurale, verso la fine del Duecento, ma soprattutto in seguito all'evoluzione della prassi compositiva, nei primi decenni del Trecento fu necessario ridefinire il rapporto tra tempo, minimo di durata e unità di misura. I musici al di qua (...) e al di là delle Alpi ovviarono diversamente dando vita a due sistemi musicali e notazionali, italiano e francese, differenti proprio nei loro presupposti teorici. In ambito italiano Marchetto da Padova dimostra come l'unità di misura del tempo musicale non coincida con il minimo di durata in senso assoluto, ma con ciò che è minimo all'interno del genere musicale: pur chiamandosi ancora breve, l'unità di misura nel sistema notazionale italiano può arrivare a contenere fino a dodici suoni. L'articolo mette a fuoco come Marchetto da Padova giunga alla definizione dell'unità di misura del tempo musicale nel suo trattato Pomerium e mostra le implicazioni di tale presupposto sulla prassi compositiva e la specificità del repertorio medesimo rispetto al coevo repertorio francese. During the latter half of the thirteenth century and particularly in the the fourteenth century, the mensural notation redefines the relationship between tempo, beat and temporal units. Italian and French musicians use different notational systems each with their own theoretical assumptions. In Italy Marchetto da Padova demonstrates that the beat does not coincide with the minimum in a quantitative understanding of musical time, but with the minimum in a qualitative undestanding of musical time: even it is called 'brevis', the beat in the Italian notational system can be divided up to twelve notes. The article focuses on how Marchetto of Padua explains it in his treatise Pomerium, and shows the implications of this assumption in compositional practice. (shrink)

Octavian's decision in 28 B.C.E. to ban Egyptian cults from within the pomerium was not a sign of hostility to foreign cults, especially since the emperor himself arranged for the restoration of those shrines outside the city's religious boundary. Rather, his action served to reassert the Roman openness to foreign religions while at the same time underlining the distinctions between Roman and foreign religious practices. Using the pomerium to demarcate a clear boundary between Roman and non-Roman helped to (...) reconstruct the sense of Roman identity that had been shattered by the civil wars of the previous fifty years. (shrink)

The reference to a novum sidus in Quintus Curtius’ book 10, commonly applied to the comet seen at the end of Nero’s reign, could be related to Claudius as well. Both Claudius and Caligula were named “star”, and they sought to appear as the beginners of a new cycle in the history of Rome. Claudius’ ludi saeculares allegedly meant the starting point of a new time for Rome. Other facets of Claudius’ censorship, as the enlargement of the pomerium or (...) the Emperor’s assumption of the title pater patriae, could be interpreted in a similar sense. Likewise, Caligula’s death may have been understood as the end of a period in the history of Rome. Thus, Curtius’ “new star” could be applied to Claudius, and not necessarily to Vespasian. (shrink)

Dos instituciones de la antigua Roma, el derecho de posliminio (ius postliminii) y el pomerio (pomerium) presentan rasgos para entender ideas sobre el enemigo, la guerra o las diferencias entre ciudadano y persona. En este artículo, tras analizar las características de ambas instituciones, explico qué utilidad tienen para pensar algunas discusiones político filosóficas contemporáneas. Para ello, propongo una serie de parámetros según la condición de ciudadano y no ciudadano, y persona humana y persona no humana, por un lado, y (...) los estatus de vivo y muerto, por otro. (shrink)

That Cn. Pompeius Magnus (cos. 70, II 55, III 52) was charged with the Roman cura annonae in September 57 is a fact quite well known to Roman historians and all interested in the history of the late Republic. Although Pompeius’ grain commission in many respects represented a novel development, relatively few have bothered to study the fine detail of what happened to be the third and final extraordinary proconsulship of his remarkable career, signifying that several important questions remain largely (...) unanswered1. After a brief discussion of the political context of the late summer of 57, this study therefore endeavours to cast a new light on his powers under the constitutive statute, the issue of the terminus of his tenure as superintendent of the grain supply, and its wider historical ramifications. (shrink)