Background: Medical education literature suggests that ethics education should be learner-centered and problem-based rather than theory-based. Team-based learning is an appropriate method for this suggestion. However, its effectiveness was not investigated enough in medical ethics education. Research question: Is team-based learning effective in medical ethics education in terms of knowledge retention, in-class learner engagement, and learner reactions? Research design: This was a prospective controlled follow-up study. We changed lecture with team-based learning method to teach four topics in a 2-week medical (...) ethics clerkship, while the remaining topics were taught by lectures. For comparison, we formed team-based learning and lecture groups, in which the students and instructor are the same, but the topics and teaching methodologies are different. We determined in-class learner engagement by direct observation and student satisfaction by feedback forms. Student success for team-based learning and lecture topics in the end-of-clerkship exam and two retention tests performed 1 year and 2 years later were compared. Ethical considerations: Ethical approval for the study was granted by Akdeniz University Board of Ethics on Noninvasive Clinical Human Studies Ethics committee. Findings: Short-term knowledge retention did not differ; however, team-based learning was found superior to lecture at long-term retention tests. Student satisfaction was high with team-based learning and in-class engagement was better in team-based learning sessions. Discussion: Our results on learner engagement and satisfaction with team-based learning were similar to those of previous reports. However, knowledge retention results in our study were contrary to literature. The reason might be the fact that students prepared for the end-of-clerkship pass/fail exam (short term) regardless of the teaching method. But, at long-term retention tests, they did not prepare for the exam and answered the questions just using the knowledge retained in their memories. Conclusion: Our findings suggest that team-based learning is a better alternative to lecture to teach ethics in medical education. (shrink)

The purpose of this study is to examine the moderating effect of supervisor support on the relationship between the need to be unique and the innovative behavior. People not only strive to belong to a group but also want to be unique from others and feel exceptional. Individuals’ innovative behavior is one of the things that makes them feel different from other people. Because developing a new idea, supporting this idea, putting this idea into practice, and the positive achievements of (...) this idea distinguish people who exhibit innovative behavior from others. It depends on the behavior of supervisors whether people who break away from typical practices and procedures to feel unique and special continue to act in innovative ways. In this context, it is vitally essential for supervisors to support people who display innovative behavior. The research was conducted on employees working in the education sector in Mersin. We employed the confirmatory factor analysis to examine the fitness of the model and moderation was tested. As hypothesized, the need to be unique had a significant and positive effect on innovative behavior. This finding is consistent with existing literature and thus advance knowledge on need to be unique and innovative behavior, particular in education sector. Nonetheless, it has been determined that supervisor support doesn’t have a moderator role on the relationship between the need to be unique and innovative behavior. Although there are some researches in the literature on consumer experiences about the need to be unique and innovative behavior, but literature on education section is sparse and still long way to go to evaluate its’ reflections on the workplace. (shrink)

30 Ekim 1918’de Mondros Mütarekesinin imzalanmasından sonra yaşanan süreçte İstanbul başta olmak üzere Anadolu’nun pek çok yeri İtilaf Devletleri tarafından işgal edildi. İşgallere bir süre sessiz kalan Türk halkı, İzmir’in Yunanistan tarafından işgal edilmesi ile üzerindeki ölü toprağını üzerinden attı ve yurdun çeşitli yerlerinde bu işgalleri protesto eden mitinglere katıldı. Bu arada Osmanlı bürokrat ve aydınlarında çeşitli büyük ülkelerin mandalığını kabul eden fikirler de vardı. Ancak başta Mustafa Kemal Paşa olmak üzere Kazım Karabekir, Fethi Okyar, Ali Fuat Cebesoy (...) Paşa gibi vatansever subaylar Anadolu’ya geçerek Milli Mücadele’yi başlatma yollarını aradılar. Milli Mücadele, Anadolu’nun hangi ilinden başlamalı emin değildiler. Mustafa Kemal Paşa, Kazım Karabekir Paşa ve diğer vatansever Türk subayları Milli Mücadele’nin başlatılacağı yer olarak Amasya’yı uygun gördüler. Çalışmanın amacı; Milli Mücadele’de Amasya Tamimine giden süreç, bu tamimin önemi ve Amasya’nın tercih edilme nedenlerini ortaya koyabilmektir. Makalede bilgileri aktarabilmek için literatür taraması yapıldı ve bu konuyla ilgili kitaplar, makaleler ve bilimsel tezler okunarak okuyucuya aktarılmaya çalışıldı. Çalışmanın hedefi ise Amasya Tamimine giden süreçte Amasya halkının vatansever ve ülke sorunlarına yönelik sağduyulu yaklaşımını okuyucuya sunabilmektir. (shrink)

— Y.K. Karaosmanoglu: "General, this party has no doctrine...".— Mustafa Kemal: "Of course it hasn't, my son; if we had a doctrine, we would paralyze the movement”.The many studies, articles, essays, conferences and seminars dedicated to the personality and the work of Mustafa Kemal are still far from having exhausted an area of knowledge with many facets, a historical reality with unending extensions. By studying the apologetic literature about the civilizing hero and a historiography which is (...) limited to the relatively neutral description of the rich career of an individual, it can be noted that there are very few writings inspired by the desire not only to analyze, to explain and to understand but also to think through the Kemalist revolution. (shrink)

Only months following the declaration of the Turkish Republic in October 1923, Turkey’s newly appointed Minister of Public Instruction, Sefa Bey, invited U.S. philosopher and educator John Dewey to survey his fledgling country’s educational system. Having just emerged from a brutal war for independence, Turkey was beginning a process of rapid modernization under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal “Atatürk,” and government officials looked to Dewey for recommendations on how to make Turkish schools agencies of social reform that would (...) advance their state’s identity as a democratic republic. Dewey traveled for two months throughout the country with his wife, Alice, and met with teachers and government officials in .. (shrink)

Once the Ottoman Empire collapsed, a new Turkish state was established after a struggle for national freedom. The founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk,1 aimed to develop a western-like democratic state for the people of the remaining Empire, even though he could have become the next sultan. All stages necessary for the emergence of a new state had already been fulfilled before the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, and the establishment of the Turkish Republic was the (...) final element within the transformation process of the Ottoman state.2 Atatürk, as the successor of the Young Turks who gained political power through the constitutional movement in 1908, abolished the monarchy and established a .. (shrink)

Théophile Funck-Brentano (1830-1906) is recognized as a French philosopher and sociologist. He made significant contributions by focusing on moral philosophy, law, and social issues. As one of the pioneers of the sociology of law, Funck-Brentano’s works include an analysis of human nature and society, reflecting the innovative ideas of his time. Although his name is not frequently mentioned today, his contributions, especially legal sociology and moral philosophy, are considered highly valuable. In his theories, the relationship between society and the individual, (...) moral norms, and the legal system hold central importance. Funck-Brentano emphasizes the impact of moral principles and social order on individual behavior and highlights the role of moral norms in maintaining social cohesion. Furthermore, Funck-Brentano was aligned with the School of Sociology and Social Science founded by Le Play. The Le Play school advocated for examining social structures and family elements to develop policies that could have long-term effects on society. Funck-Brentano made significant contributions to the theory of the social contract, reinterpreting it in a way that suits the needs of modern societies. According to him, the social contract is an agreement among individuals to live together and recognize mutual rights. This agreement forms the foundation of social morality. While individuals, as members of society, assume certain moral obligations, society takes on the responsibility of protecting the rights of individuals. Funck-Brentano argues that moral norms not only guide individual behavior but also play a crucial role in supporting social stability and cohesion. These norms regulate relationships between individuals, protect the general interests of society, and align personal interests with the collective interests of the community. In Funck-Brentano’s thought, law is a form of moral norms – reflecting the ethical principles and standards that regulate behavior and has been accepted by society and possess enforceable power. However, there are instances where what is moral is not always legal, and what is legal is not always moral. Therefore, a continuous process of aligning moral and legal regulations is necessary. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, during the founding of modern Turkey, was influenced by studies of many Western intellectuals including Funck-Brentano. Ataturk’s careful reading of Funck-Brentano’s books and the notes he took demonstrate how these studies served as a resource in shaping his social and legal reforms. This study will examine Funck-Brentano’s ideas in the field through his studies that address social morality. His contributions to moral philosophy, the social contract, and legal theory will be explored, as well as how these concepts are treated in his writings and their impact on modern societies. (shrink)

Bu çalışmanın amacı, kent kültürü ve kentlilik bilincinin gelişmesi noktasında kentin merkezi ve yerel yönetimlerine ait kurum ve kuruluşlarının, Erzincan Binali Yıldırım Üniversitesi akademik personelini ne derecede dikkate aldıklarını belirlemek, akademik personelin kent kültürü ve kentlilik bilincinin gelişimi konusundaki algı düzeylerini ortaya çıkarmak ve araştırma bulgularına dayalı olarak önerilerde bulunmaktır. Araştırmanın çalışma evrenini, Erzincan Binali Yıldırım Üniversitesi’nde görev yapan 1.086 akademik personel oluşturmaktadır. Çalışmaya Erzincan ilçelerinde bulunan yüksekokul ve meslek yüksekokulları zaman darlığı ve ulaşım zorluklarından dolayı dahil edilmemiştir. Gerek yerleşkede (...) gerekse yerleşke dışında bulunan tüm fakülte, yükse okul ve meslek yüksek okullarına anket formları elden ulaştırılmıştır. Tıp fakültesi ve Sağlık Hizmetleri yüksekokulu yöneticilerinin çalışmaya katkı vermek istememelerinden dolayı bu iki birim kapsamdışı tutulmuştur. Anket formları 268 kişi tarafından doldurulmuştur. Veri toplama aracı olarak nicel araştırma tekniği olan tarama deseni (anket deseni) kullanılmıştır. Anket soruları Belli ve Aydın’ın (2017) “Kent Kültürü ve Kentlilik Bilincinin Oluşumunda Üniversitelerin Rolü: Mustafa Kemal Üniversitesi Örneği” adlı çalışmasından alınmıştır. Araştırmada elde edilen verilerin çözümlenmesinde, sosyal bilimlerde istatistiksel analiz için oldukça yaygın olarak tercih edilen SPSS programı kullanılmıştır. Araştırma sonucuna göre; Erzincan Binali Yıldırım Üniversitesi akademik personeline, kent kültürü ve kentlilik bilincinin geliştirilmesi konusunda kentte yer alan diğer paydaşlar tarafından (merkezi ve yerel yönetimlere ait kurum ve kuruluşlar) hak ettikleri değerin verilmediği sonucu ortaya çıkmıştır. (shrink)

This article discusses radical changes in the Muslim world during the last hundred years. The main emphasis is on the tension between secularism and religious authority and the prospect of political democracy. The article starts from Toynbee’s assumption that social-political change is a response to a preceding condition. Three countries are compared. Modern Turkey emerged in the 1920s from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire and its traditionalist outlook. Under Mustafa Kemal, Turkey was transformed into a radically secular (...) and modernizing regime inspired by French laicism. Some 50 years later, Iran switched from the modernizing and anti-clerical regime of the Shah to a semi-theocracy under Khomeini. Thirty years later, the uprising in Egypt followed neither the Kemalist nor Khomeini’s example. Responding to a preceding autocracy, the goal was neither secularism nor clericalism but to correct a basic political deficit: the lack of democracy. (shrink)

Qaṣeeda-i Burdah written by Egyptian sufi poet Busīrī (d. 695/1296) as an eulogy for Beloved Messenger Moḥammed has received great attention in the Islamic world. This work has been recited both in cultural/social ceremonies such as weddings, holidays and funerals. On the other hand, it was also annotated, translated, and takhmīs, tesdīs, tesbī‘ and taşṭīr were written to it by the pen of scholars and litterateurs in literary circles. These activities, which have been carried out over and over again, has (...) been going on from the 15th century to the present day. Not only the reputed people, but also unknown ones or ones whose names were later forgotten have tried to translate it to their own language. The subject of the study is one of this type of poetic translations of the eulogy. Like its translator, date of this poetic translation is also unknown. This work was written in the remel baḥr type of ‘arūż in 162 verses using the spelling of the classical period. Although a significant portion of the rhyme words was adapted from the source text, it has a more understandable style than its counterpart. In terms of poetry, it is above the average. The translator decorated the meaning that he borrowed from the original text with his own poetic ability and tried to express it in a unique manner. For this aim, it is more literary, lyrical and successful than most other translations of Qaṣeeda-i Burdah. In the present study, text of the mentioned work was given with transcription along with mentioning of some of its features. Summary: Qaṣeeda-i Burdah written by Egyptian sufi poet Buṣīrī (d. 695/1296) has an important place in the Islamic world. Named by the poet himself as al-Kavākib-al-durriya fī madḥi khayr-al-bariyya, this work is also known as al-Qaṣeedat-al-mīmiyya since its rhyme letter is Arabic mim, as Qaṣeeda-i Bur’ah since it caused Buṣīrī to recover from a disease, as Qaṣeeda-i Burdah due to the rumor that this event took place while he was wearing a coat by the hands of Beloved Messenger Moḥammed. In order to prevent confusion with the eulogy of Ka‘b b. Zuhayr (d. 24/645) with the same name, it is known in cultural circles as Qaṣeeda-i Bur’ah. However, in literature, it is commonly referred as Qaṣeeda-i Burdah. The work was written in simple baḥr style of ‘arūż, and consists of 161 couplets. It has ten sections in terms of its content: longing for the beloved, complaining about the soul, eulogy for Beloved Messenger Moḥammed, his birth, miracles, dignity of the Holy Qur’ān, miracle of mi‘rāc, importance of jihad, sorrow, hope, prayer and request. The eulogy, which has an effective style, has gained great acclaim in the Islamic geography and has been read for various purposes for centuries. Some people recite it in wedding ceremonies, while some others use it in funerals. The sick people recite it with the hope of healing, while calligraphers wrote it for practice.Owing its fame more to its story rather than its value of art, the eulogy was translated into Eastern languages such as Persian, Malay, Pashto, Punjabi, Turkish and Urdu, as well as into Western languages such as German, French, Greek, English, Spanish, Italian and Latin. In addition, many annotations, footnotes, takhmīs, tesdīs, tesbī‘, taşṭīr and replies were written to it. For example, the poem annotated in Arabic by Ebū Shāme al-Maqdisī (d. 665/1266), Khalid b. ‘Abdullah al-Ezherī (d. 905/1499), Ibrahim b. Moḥammed al-Bacurī (d. 1277/1860), ‘Omer b. Aḥmed al-Ḥarpuṭī (d. 1299/1882) was translated into Persian by the men of letters such as Molla Ḥafıẓ Sharaf (d. after 810/1407), ‘Iṣāmuddin b. ‘Arabshah al-Isfarayinī (d. 945/1538), ‘Ali b. Ḥasan Zavareī (d. 968/1560). The work was annotated by Le‘alī Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafa (d. 971/1563), Sayyid Ḥasan b. ‘Abdurraḥman (d. 1071/1661), Naẓifī Ismail Aqḥiṣarī (d. after 1205/1790), Shaykh-al-Islam Makkī Meḥmed (d. 1212/1797), Moḥammed b. Fayżullah (d. 1231/1816), Moḥammed b. Aḥmed (d. 1318/1900), Anqara Governor ‘Abidin Pasha (d. 1324/1906) in Turkish language. Takhmīs was written to the work by poets such as Ṭashkoprizade Kemaleddin (d. 1030/1621) Khocazāde Asad (d. 1034/1625), Sayyid Moḥammed Sharifī (d. 1040/1631), Shaykh-al-Islam Yahya (d. 1053/1644), Suleyman Naḥifī (d. 1151/1738), ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī (d. 1197/1783), Shaykh-al-Islam Makkī Meḥmed, Mollacıqzāde Raif (d. 1238/1823), Muṣṭafa Maqṣud (d. 1258/1843), Yemliḥazāde Muṣṭafa (d. 1294/1878), Meḥmed Said Pasha (d. 1308/1892), Moḥammed Favzī (d. 1318/1900) while Ismail Mufid (d. 1217/1803) wrote tesdīs and Niyazī-i Mıṣrī (d. 1105/1694) wrote tesbī‘ to it.The work was translated into Turkish language by poets such as ‘Abdurraḥim Qaraḥiṣarī (d. after 888/1483), Kemal Pashazāde (d. 940/1534), Ahmed-i Rıḍvan (d. before 945/1538) Le‘alī Aḥmed b. Muṣṭafa, Shamsaddin Sivasī (d. 1006/1597), Kemalatī Meḥmed (d. before 1015/1606), Esasī (d. before 1041/1631), Sayyid Ḥusayin (d. after 1050/1641), Mehmed Ṭalib (d. 1089/1679), Sukutī Meḥmed (d. 1103/1691), ‘Abdulhay Jalvatī (d. 1117/1705), Sulayman Naḥifī, ‘Abdullah Ḥulvanī (d. 1159/1746), Aḥmed ‘Arifī (d. after 1195/1781), ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī, Ismail Mufid, Sivaslı Aḥmed Suzī (d. 1246/1830), Evranyali ‘Abdurraḥim (d. 1282/1865), Meḥmed Said Pasha, Qonyalı Fakhreddin (d. 1365/1950), Sazai Qaraqoç (d. 1933), Ilhan Armutchuoghlu (d. 1937), Maḥmut Qaya (d. 1945), but there are also translations whose translators are unknown. The present study deals with such a translation of the work. To our best knowledge, the translation that has not been paid much attention by scholars to date and was mentioned only by Ṣadıq Yazar. Even he articulated only a few sentences about the translation based on a deficient copy of the work. Both in the library records and in its copies, there was no information about the translator and the translation date of the work. The translation, which beginns directly without a section such as an introduction at the opening, was written in 162 verses with the spelling of the classical period. It has a remel baḥr style of ‘arūż structure with fā‘ilātun fā‘ilātun fā‘ilātun fā‘ilun rhythm. Although it has some ‘arūż mistakes, it can be said that it is successful in terms of rhythm. Using the source text rhyme of mīm letter, the translator directly adapted some rhyme words from the Arabic text, while converting some others to appropriate Turkish words. Although he used some of them only once, he used some others several times. This finding implies that the translator may have had difficulties in finding words for the rhyme. It is noteworthy that he used some of those words in different meanings, and he employed 99 different rhymes in 162 couplets. The translator used the original text for purposes other than the rhyme words. He used some words directly without translating them or only removed the ḥarf-i ta‘rif. He transformed some words to others with the same stem or to their counterparts in Persian. While converting some of the phrases to forms suitable for the structure of the Turkish language using various practices, he used the old Anatolian Turkish as well as living Turkish. Like Buṣīrī’s eulogy, the poem, which consists of 10 parts in terms of contents, is suitable for the contents of the source text, but it is not a literal translation. The translator, who cared about literary rhetoric, largely preserved or even contributed to the harmony elements of the text. He reinterpreted the meaning of Buṣīrī’s work using his poetry skills, and produced a successful translation in terms of poetry with minimal rhyme flaws. Considering other translations of Qaṣeeda-i Burdah, the translation has similarities with that by Uskudarlı ‘Abdulhay Jalvatī in terms of rhyme letter, with that by Sayyid Husayin Amasī in terms of rhyme, and with that by Ismail Mufid Afandi in terms of direct adaptation of some words in original text, while it has common characteristics with the translation by Naḥifī in terms of both rhyme letter and direct adaptation of most rhyme words from the original text. On the other hand, the translation has similarities with the translations by Kemal Pashazāde, Ahmed-i Rıḍvan, Esasī Afandi, ‘Abdullah Ṣalaḥī and Na‘imī in terms of rhyme letter, rhyme and adaptation of most rhyme words from the original text. However, it is simpler compared to the translation by Kemal Pashazāde, more loyal to the content of original text compared to the translation by Ahmed-i Rıḍvan and more robust in terms of rhyme compared to the translation by Na‘imī. (shrink)

Qaside-i Khamriyya (meaning Wine Eulogy) of sufi poet Ibn-i Fārıḍ, in which he explained divine love through the metaphor of wine, attracted great attention in Islamic world and was translated into Arabic, Persian and Turkish. Scholars such as Davud-i Qayseri (d. 751 AH/1350 AD), Kemal Pashazāde (d. 940 AH/1534 AD), Abdulghani an-Nablusi (d. 1143 AH/1731 AD), Ibn Acibe (d. 1224 AH/1809 AD) explained this eulogy in Arabic, while poets such as Ali b. Shihābiddin al-Hamadāni (d. 786 AH/1385 AD), Molla (...) Cāmi (d. 898 AH/1492 AD), Idris-i Bitlisi (d. 926 AH/1520 AD) wrote commentaries in Persian. On the other hand, authors such as Abdussalam b. Numan b. Khalil (d. 1000 AH/1592 AD [?]), Ismail Anqaravi (d. 1041 AH/1631 AD), Abdulmacid-i Sivasi (d. 1049 AH/1639 AD), Qara Musṭafa Khulūsi (d. 1344 AH/1926 AD), Meḥmed Naẓım (d. 1345 AH/1926 AD) and Ṭahir al-Mavlavi (d. 1371 AH/1951 AD) translated the eulogy into Turkish. One of the authors who translators of this eulogy was Mehmed Said Efendi, sheikh of Uskudar Salimiya Takka, who lived in the 19th century. His work named Ṭarab-angiz (meaning Pleasure-provoking) is a condensed commentary with ornate prose of Qaside-i Khamriyya. In previous studies, Ṭarab-angiz was partly examined, and there was no mention about the identity and personality of the author. In the present research, the life and personality of Meḥmed Said Efendi is explained and the text of his work is examined.Summary: In Turkish literature which developed under the influence of Islam, translations and commentaries have important a place along with original texts. Coming within the sphere of Islam in early 10th century, Turks embarked on translating the texts immediately in order to learn their new religion and to perform its practices and continued to do so since then. Because they lived in the same culture and civilization climate, Turks learned Islam from Persians and were influenced by Persian language. However, adherents of this new religion also made direct translations from Arabic texts. The translations initially were made from religious works, but in time social, cultural and literary works, such as Persian classics and major eulogies of Arabic Literature, were also translated into Turkish by Turkish scholars. Qaside-i Burde by Ka‘b b. Zuheyr’in (d. 24 AH/645 AD), Qaside-i Nūniyye by Ebu’l-Fetḥ Busti’nin (d. 400 AH/1010 AD), Qaside-i Ṭanṭarāniyye by Ṭanṭarāni’nin (d. 485 AH/1092 AD), Qaside-i Münferice by Ibnu’n-Naḥvi’nin (d. 513 AH/1119 AD), Qaside-i Emāli by Ali b. Othman al-Ushi’nin (d. 575 AH/1179 AD) and famous eulogy named Qaside-i Bur’e by Muḥammed b. Said al-Buṣiri’nin (d. 695 AH/1296 AD) were among such works.Qaside-i Khamriyya by sufi poet Ibn-i Fārıḍ (d. 632 AH/1235 AD), also called sultan of minstrels, in which he explained divine love through wine attracted great attention in Islamic world and was translated into many languages and many commentaries were written on it. One of the commentary writers about this eulogy is Meḥmed Said Efendi, a 19th century sufi. His work entitled Ṭarab-angiz is a condensed commentary with ornate prose of Qaside-i Khamriyya.Studies conducted so far has partly dealt with the Ṭarab-angiz and identity and personality of Meḥmed Said Efendi have never been mentioned. Ṣarac mentioned, “It is a printed work but its writer, printing date, and the place was not found on the printed work”, while Yıldırım used the expression of “a work whose writer and production date is not known.” In his Ph. D. thesis entitled Translation and Commentary Tradition in Classical Turkish Literature in Anatolia, Ṣadık Yazar noted that the work belongs to Meḥmed Said, which was later cited by Aqdag. The final statement on this issue was made by İnce in his work entitled Arabic, Persian and Turkish commentaries of Qaside-i Khamriyya by Ibnu’l Fārıḍ. He examined a total of 18 commentaries and stated that no information is available about the life of Meḥmed Said although he mentioned Ṭarab-angiz.The birth date and place of Meḥmed Said Efendi are unknown. He is grandchild of Ali Behjet Efendi (d. 1238 AH/1823 AD), one of sheiks in Salimiya Dervish Lodge in Uskudar and son of Meḥmed Hidāyetullah Efendi (d. 1288 AH/1871 AD). Following the death of his father, Meḥmed Said Efendi himself served as the head dervish of this dervish lodge for 25 years and became a famous figure. He died in 1313 AH/1896 AD and was buried in the cemetery of the Salimiya Dervish Lodge.Meḥmed Said Efendi was the sixth sheikh of Salimiya Dervish Lodge. In many sources, he was mentioned as a venerable, righteous, devoutly religious, virtuous, polite and scholarly man. Meḥmed Said Efendi is thought to be a member of Mavlavi lodge of Naqshbandi Ṭariqa. He had successors such as Naqshi sheikh Uskudari Balabani Ḥasan Ḥusnu Efendi (d. 1347 AH/1928 AD) and Ismail Efendi (d. after 1307 AH/1890 AD). The poet had a commentary named Ṭarab-angiz in prose form and had a quatrain within the praising eulogy of Sheikh Ḥāmil Efendi (d. 1322 AH/1904 AD), head sheikh of Beylerbeyi Bedevi Dervish Lodge.It is clear from the expression, “A work by Meḥmed Said, the Imam of Central Dervish Lodge of Sultan Salim III,” at the beginning of Edition no: 450 in Suleymaniye Library, Pertev Pasha Collection and from the record of “Work: Ṭarab-angiz, Author: Ibnu’l-Fārıḍ, Translator and postscript writer: Meḥmed Said” in Edition no: 7350 of Marmara University Faculty of Theology Library that this work belongs to Sheikh Meḥmed Said Efendi. However, exact production date of this printed work is not known. The work consisted of 28 pages and in some editions a two-page correct-false chart was added.As usual, the work starts with an introduction section with expressions of “By the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful,” “Praise be to God,” and “Peace be upon Prophet Moḥammad.” This section also includes a praise for followers of Prophet Moḥammad, “Who made sphere of prophecy an eternal rose garden through the holy light of their enjoyed manners in addition to making the Shari’a candle shined and and converting them to great flowers of service with their strong inspiration torchs.” The commentator then embarked on praising Qaside-i Khamriyya, mentioning that the men of ability became helpless in explaination of beauty, charm and freshness of unique expression richness and refined allegory blossoms of the eulogy and that reaching the shore of rhetoric could be possible through diving into the guided wisdom of sea. In fact, according to commentator, the men of literature should be aware of the difficulty of translating this unique eulogy into Turkish language. However, everyone should dive into the sea of insight as a knowledge diver, collect its share in pearls of utterance and in emeralds of wits, arrange and put them in the string of prose”. Therefore, he wrote the commentary about the eulogy as a service to humanity and as a contribution to his own stock of comfort in the present and afterlife as much as he could, no matter how little it could be, and named it Ṭarab-angiz. Like most commentators of Qaside-i Khamriyya, Meḥmed Said Efendi commented on only about 33 couplets of the eulogy which contained a total of 41 couplets, and did not cover couplets from 23 to 30 in his work. The commentator used couplet-by- couplet translation method and started with praising for Ibn-i Fārıḍ and his couplets. Then, he gives the Arabic originals of the couplets and starts commentary with the expressions such as “couplets of great intuition, imagery couplets, product of couplet, enlightenment of couplet and concept of couplet.” In preface section of the work, the commentator, who usually quoted hadith texts in Arabic and poems, does not use them in his commentary. He only uses some lines of Arabic prayers and a quatrain of Molla Cāmi (d. 898 AH/1492 AD). This is a quatrain rubāi in Persian language meaning that “If you want no sorrow and no grief of the destiny, drink wine in a pub, because swirling of the goblet and worries of the world do not share the same place just as the tune and the sorrow do not coincide.” The lack of touching on the meaning of words, etymological structure and grammar rules in couplets makes it different from others, except the translation of Aḥmed Ṣāfi Bey. (shrink)

Bu çalı ş mada Nuh b. Mustafa el-Konevi’nin “fethu'l-celil alâ abdihi'z-zelîl fî beyâni mâ verede fi'l-istihlâf fi'l-cümü'ati mine'l-ekâvil ” adlı risalesinin tahkikli çalı ş ması yapıldı. Büyük bir alim ve fakih olan müellifimiz zamanın Konya müftüsüdür. Mısır’a tabli ğ ve ilmi faaliyetlerini gerçekleçtirmek için hicret ettikten sonra orada vefat etmi ş tir. İ lmi alanlarda bir çok gayreti vardır. Özellikle fıkıh ve fıkıh usulü sahasında önemli eserlere imza atmı ş tır. Söz konusu bu risale, süleymaniye kütüphanesine ba ğ lı (...) veliyüddin Efendi kütüphanesinden elde edilen iki el yazması esas alınarak tahkik edilmi ş tir. “Fethu'l-celil alâ abdihi'z-zelîl fî beyâni mâ verede fi'l-istihlâf fi'l-cümü'ati mine'l-ekâvil” adlı risalesi Cuma günü hutbe okumak için birinin imam tarafından tayin edilme konusunu ele alır. Nitekim son dönem hanefi fakihlerinden İ bn Kemal Pa ş a, Molla Hüsrev, Hasen e ş - Ş ürünbülâlî gibi di ğ er bir ço ğ u bu konuda eser kaleme almı ş tır. Bu sahada telif edenlerden birisi de müellifimiz Nuh b. Mustafa el-Konevi’dir. Bu çalı ş masında, konu gere ğ i alimlerin görü ş lerini zikreder, kendisi ile ihtilafa dü ş en görü ş ü ilmi bir üslupla tartı ş arak analiz ettikten sonra tercih etti ğ i görü ş ü ortaya koyar. Sonuç olarak, hutbe ve namaz için ister özür olsun ister olmasın imamın cemaatten birini tayin etmesi meselesine cevaz verir. (shrink)

Çalışma, Muhammed b. Mustafa el-Alâî’ye (ö. 1234/1818) nispet edilen Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesinin ona aidiyeti üzerine yoğunlaşacaktır. Muhammed b. Mustafa el-Alâî’nin kendisine ait olduğunu söylediği ve ona nispet edilen Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesi aslında Dâvûd-i Karsî’nin (ö. 1169/1756) Risâle fi’l-iḫtiyârâti’l-cüzʾiyye ve’l-irâdâti’l-ḳalbiyye adlı risâlesinin kısmen değiştirilmiş bir versiyonudur. Alâî, Karsî’nin risâlesinden ihtiyaç duymadığı bazı bağlam ve konuları çıkararak ve gerekli gördüğü bazı başlıkları da Ebû Saîd el-Hâdimî’nin (ö. 1176/1762) el-Berîḳatu’l-maḥmûdiyye eserinden eklemeler yaparak oluşturduğu Şerḥ-i İrâde-i cüzʾiyye risâlesi, içerik açısından (...) dikkate alındığında intihalin en bariz görüldüğü bir eser niteliğindedir. Osmanlı ilim düşüncesi dikkate alındığında irade ve insan fiilleri konusunda büyük bir literatürün ortaya konulduğu ve bu metinlerin konu hakkında belli bir fikrin yerleşmesinde etkisi olduğu bilinmektedir. Belli bir dönemde telif edilen risâlelerin muhteva olarak sonraki risâle ve eserlerin muhtevasını etkilemiş olması ve bu nedenle kısmî tedâhüllerin olması sıkça karşılaşılan bir durumdur. Fakat başkasına ait bir telif üzerinde tikel bir değişiklik yaparak eseri kendisine nispet etmek ilmî olarak kabul edilemez bir durumdur. Araştırmanın konusu olan Alâî’nin risâlesi de ikinci türden bir risâle hüviyetindedir. Risâlenin tamamına yakın bir bölümü Karsî’nin konu hakkındaki risâlesi kısmen değiştirilerek oluşturulmuş ve Dâvûd-i Karsî’ye herhangi bir atıfta bulunulmamıştır. Bu çalışmada amaçlanan ise Alâî’nin kendisine nispet ettiği bu risâlenin aslında Karsî’ye ait olduğunu karşılaştırmalı tablolar üzerinden ortaya koymaktır. Bu bağlamda hem Karsî hem de Alâî’ye ait her iki metin tablolar üzerinden baştan sona kadar karşılaştırılmış; ortak ve farklı noktalar tespit edilerek gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Karşılaştırmalar neticesinde risâlenin Karsî’ye aidiyeti kesin şekilde tespit edildiğinden bahsi geçen intihal olgusunun bizzat Alâî tarafından mı, yoksa başka birisi tarafından mı yapıldığı sorusuna dikkat çekilmiştir. Ayrıca Alâî’nin Ebû Saîd el-Hâdimî’den kaynak göstermeden alıntı yaptığı yerler de tespit edilerek metin üzerinde farklı bir renkle gösterilmiştir. Son olarak bütünsel bir bakış imkânı sunması için Alâî’ye ait risâlenin tahkiki de yapılmıştır. Metnin tahkikinde Karsî’nin metninde mevcut olup Alâî’nin metninde olmayan ve anlamı tamamlayan kelimeler ile cümleler köşeli parantez içinde gösterilmiştir. Ayrıca Karsî’nin metninde metin-şerh ayrımı olduğundan Alâî’nin risâlesindeki bu ayrım da tespit edilmiş böylece metin bold ve parantez içinde gösterilirken şerh ise normal yazı stiliyle gösterilmiştir. Çünkü bu metin-şerh ayrımının gösterilmesi, metnin anlaşılması ve bütünlüğü açısından elzem bir durum arz etmektedir. (shrink)

Integrating Kant's ideas on aesthetics and morality, Dr. Kemal explains how Kant's theories emphasize that art is critical to the development of culture and community goals. He clarifies Kant's often obscure efforts to justify artistic judgements and demonstrates Kant's claim that they have their own necessity. Containing explanations of many difficult terms present in Kant's Critique of Judgment, this study is a valuable guide to understanding Kant's association of beauty and morality.

Kemalpaşzade, 1468 or 9-1534; Islamic scholar and historian.

Bu çalışma, Rükneddin Ubeydullah b. Muhammed es-Semerkandî'nin (öl. 701/1301) "Risâle fî ḥaḳîḳati’l-‘âlemi’l-kebîr ve’s-ṣağîr/Büyük ve Küçük Âlemin Hakikati Hakkında Bir Risâle" adlı eserini tahkîk etmeyi, müellifin hayatı ve eserin içeriğini incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır. Rükneddin es-Semerkandî'nin müteahhir/geç dönem Mâtürîdî ve Hanefî âlimlerinden biri olduğu; kelâm, tasavvuf, tefsir, fıkıh usulü, hadis ve diğer alanlardaki eserleriyle İslâm medeniyeti tarihinde belirgin izler bıraktığı belirtilmelidir. Semerkandî'nin eserlerinde de görüldüğü gibi o, sûfî kelâmcılardan veya kelâmcı sûfîlerinden biridir. Üslubu, kelâm, tasavvuf ve - zaman zaman geniş anlamıyla - felsefe (...) ile karışık olan bir sentezdir. Bu da şaşırtıcı bir şey değildir. Zira Semerkandî, ilimlerin iç içe geçtiği ve kelâm ile tasavvufun felsefe boyasıyla boyandığı (Gazâlî (öl. 505/1111) ve Fahreddin er-Râzî (öl. 606/1210) sonrası) bir dönemde yaşamıştır. Elimizdeki risâlesi aracılığıyla, Rükneddin es-Semerkandî'nin kelâmcı ve mutasavvıf olmasının yanı sıra felsefeden de etkilendiğini görüyoruz. Zira insan ile büyük âlem arasındaki benzetme veya insan ve âlem arasında bir bağ kurma meselesi, kökleri eski felsefelere dayanan eski bir bakış açısıdır; daha sonra İslâm felsefesi ve İslâm düşüncesi bütünüyle bu felsefî perspektiften etkilenmiş ve insanı küçük bir âlem olarak görmüşlerdir. Rükneddin es-Semerkandî, insanı küçük bir âlem olarak veya kendi ifadesiyle büyük âlemin fihristi olarak gören Müslüman düşünürler veya âlimlerden biridir. Görünüşe göre, müellif bu konuya özel bir ilgi göstermiş ve bu nedenle bu konuda müstakil bir risâle yazmıştır. Söz konusu risâlesini, girişten sonra on iki kısa ve öz bölüm halinde kaleme almıştır. Müellif eserinde, büyük âlem ve küçük âlemin yaratılma amacına - ki bu risâlesini yazma hedefidir - değinmiştir. Ayrıca âlemlerin kısımları, dört kavram "duyu, akıl, kalp ve ruh" ve ruhun en yüce ve en erdemli olduğu, "Allah, Âdem'i kendi suretinde yarattı" hadisinin anlamı, insan ruhunun en üstün/erdemli varlık olduğu, bir mürebbî şeyhin/eğiten hocanın bilmesi gereken ilimler, eğiten hocası olmayan birinin ne yapması gerektiği gibi tasavvufî konuları ele almış; Allah'ın sıfatlarının kısımları, insan, cin ve melek gibi diğer kelamî konuları da işlemiştir. Müellif, risâlesinde konu bağlamında ayetleri ve hadisleri aktarma ve âlimlerin sözlerini nakletme yöntemini izleyerek kendi görüş veya ifadesini belirtmektedir. Müellif genellikle Cüneyd-i Bağdâdî (öl. 297/909) ve Hakîm et-Tirmizî (öl. 320/932) gibi sûfî âlimlerden alıntı yapar, bu da ilmî kaynaklarının - en azından ilgili risâlesi bağlamında - sûfî eserler ve âlimler olduğunu yansıtır. Bu çalışmanın önemi, söz konusu risâlenin ilk kez tahkîk ve incelenmesi yapılıp, risâlenin hâlâ kütüphanelerde el yazması olarak bulunmasında yatmaktadır. Araştırmamız neticesinde, Türkiye kütüphanelerinde bulunan toplam sekiz nüsha tespit edilmiştir. Şöyle ki, Bursa İnebey Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Ulucami 1674/2, vr. 17-25; Bursa İnebey Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Ulucami 1695/15, vr. 226-231; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Hekimoğlu Ali Paşa 933/16, vr. 108-111; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Esad Efendi 1695/14, vr. 84-86; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Hacı Beşir Ağa 387/6, vr. 121-131; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Laleli 168/4, vr. 87-92; Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Muğlalı Hoca Mustafa Efendi 109/6, vr. 30-33 ve Süleymaniye Yazma Eser Kütüphanesi, Sütlüce Dergahı 117-4, vr. 94-99. Tarihsel olarak en eski ve müellifin ölüm tarihine en yakın olanı (Bursa/ Ulucami 1674/2) ana nüsha olarak tayin edildi; ayrıca iki nüsha ana nüshayla karşılaştırılarak/mukayese edilerek incelenmiştir. (shrink)

Despite some promising steps in the right direction, organizational analysis has yet to exploit fully the theoretical and empirical possibilities inherent in the writings of Pierre Bourdieu. While certain concepts associated with his thought, such as field and capital, are already widely known in the organizational literature, the specific ways in which these terms are being used provide ample evidence that the full significance of his relational mode of thought has yet to be sufficiently apprehended. Moreover, the almost complete inattention (...) to habitus, the third of Bourdieu’s major concepts, without which the concepts of field and capital (at least as he deployed them) make no sense, further attests to the misappropriation of his ideas and to the lack of appreciation of their potential usefulness. It is our aim in this paper, by contrast, to set forth a more informed and comprehensive account of what a relational – and, in particular, a Bourdieu-inspired – agenda for organizational research might look like. Accordingly, we examine the implications of his theoretical framework for interorganizational relations, as well as for organizations themselves analyzed as fields. The primary advantage of such an approach, we argue, is the central place accorded therein to the social conditions under which inter- and intraorganizational power relations are produced, reproduced, and contested. (shrink)

Studies in the sociology of religion in Turkey have always kept the concern of examining the objective with an impartial perspective. The fact that researches in Turkey have focused on the religion of Islam and different religious groups with Islamic origins has kept the problem of the objectivity of the sociology of religion on the agenda methodologically. However, it should not be forgotten that understanding Turkish society and other societies where Islam is the dominant religion will be possible by going (...) down to the first sources sociologically as well as religiously, and interpreting the behavior of the first believers of the revelation. In particular, the ijtihads of the "Rashid Caliphs Period", which is a special period in the history of Islam, have been referred to as a religious and rational source both in the formation of Islamic fiqh and in the social structures of Muslim nations. In this context, the question of what are the effects and sociological aspects of the ijtihads of the first four caliphs on the development of Islamic culture and civilization, the govarnance and social formation of Muslim societies will be examined. What social reasons did the Rashid caliphs take into account in their ijtihads, what social events they led to, and how they had an impact on institutions. This study, which will be an essay on "Sociology of Ijtihad", also aims to question the possibilities of a common study field for Sociology and Fiqh. (shrink)

In this paper, we provide two novel expected utility theorems by suitably adjusting the independence and continuity axioms. Our first theorem characterizes expected utility preferences using weak versions of the independence axiom (with varying mixture weights) and a new weak continuity axiom. Our second theorem characterizes these preferences using weaker versions of the independence axiom (with mixture weights fixed at 1/2) and a strong topological continuity axiom. We provide useful examples to illustrate the tightness of these characterizations.

This book brings together a distinguished group of scholars from music, drama, poetry, performance art, religion, classics and philosophy to investigate the complex and developing interaction between performance and authenticity in the arts. The volume begins with a perspective on traditional understandings of that relation, examining the crucial role of performance in the Poetics, the marriage of art with religion, the experiences of religious and aesthetic authenticity, and modernist conceptions of authenticity. Several essays then consider music as a performative art. (...) The final essays discuss the link of authenticity to sincerity and truth in poetry, explain how performance, as an authentic feature of poetry, embodies a collective effort, and culminate in a discussion of the dark side of performance - its constant susceptibility to inauthenticity. Together the essays suggest how issues of performance and authenticity enter into consideration of a wide range of the arts. (shrink)

Sosyal varlıklar olan insanlar, tarih boyunca birbirleri ile alışveriş yapma ihtiyacı hissetmişlerdir. Bu alışverişler, genellikle satış akdi yoluyla gerçekleştirilmiştir. Satış akitlerinin kurulmasında en yaygın görülen yöntem ise pazarlık usulü ile gerçekleştirilen müsâveme yöntemidir. İnsanlar satış akdini kurarken, akdin unsurları üzerinde pazarlık yaparak bir anlaşmaya varmışlardır. İslâm hukuku bu yöntemin sınırlarını belirlemiştir. İnsanların birbirlerinin haklarını ihlal etmeden pazarlık yapabilmelerini sağlayacak düzenlemeler getirmiştir. Ayrıntıları başta örf olmak üzere farklı delillerle düzenlense de, insanların satış akdini kurarken bu sınırlara dikkat etmesi gerektiği, doğrudan (...) doğruya naslar ile emredilmiştir. Bu durum hem şahsi zararların hem de toplumsal zararların önüne geçilmesi açısından büyük önem arz etmiştir. Bu kapsamda getirilen bazı sınırlamalar şu şekildedir: Satılmış olan bir malın devredilmeden bir başkasına satılmaması, fiyat yükseltmek amacıyla üçüncü kişinin pazarlığına dahil olunmaması gerektiği ve tarafların pazarlık aşamasının sonu geldiği, anlaşma meyillerinin oluştuğu durumda üçüncü kişinin pazarlığa dahil olmaması gerektiği belirtilmiştir. Bu sınırlamalardan, tarafların anlaşma meyillerinin ortaya çıkmış olduğu durumda üçüncü kişinin taraflardan birinin aleyhine pazarlığa dahil olması konusu çalışmamızda ele alınmıştır. Bu husus İslâm hukuk literatüründe sevm ale’s-sevm olarak nitelendirilmiştir. Türkçe literatürde genellikle pazarlık üzerine pazarlık olarak çevrilmiştir. Çalışmada sevm ale’s-sevm kavramına genellikle yer verilmiş olmakla birlikte, Türkçe olarak ifade edilmesi gerektiğinde pazarlık üzerine pazarlık kavramı kullanılmıştır. Taraflar pazarlığa yönelik ifadelerini akdin kurucu unsuru olan irade beyanı ile birbirlerine iletmektedirler. Dolayısıyla bu çalışmada öncelikle irade beyanına yönelik açıklamalar yapılmıştır. Pazarlığa yönelik bu irade beyanlarının icâb niteliğinde mi yoksa icâba davet niteliğinde mi olduğu hususunda açıklamalara yer verilmiştir. Bu açıklamaların ardından müsâveme yöntemi tanımlanmış ve genel olarak bu yönteme ilişkin bilgi verilmiştir. Müsâveme yöntemi ile oluşturulan akitler ile bu yönteme benzer yöntemlerin farkları hususunda açıklamalar yapılmıştır. Pazarlık yapılırken dikkat edilmesi gereken hususlara değinilmiş ve pazarlık üzerine pazarlık yapmanın yasak olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Akit kurulurken hangi aşamada pazarlığa dahil olmanın bu yasak kapsamında sayılacağı ve hangi aşamadaki müdahalenin yasak kapsamına dahil olmayacağı belirtilmiştir. Bu yasağın neden gerekli olduğu konusunda yapılmış olan açıklamalara yer verilmiştir. Sevm ale’s-sevmin söz konusu olduğu akitlerin genel olarak diyaneten haram kabul edildiği bununla birlikte kazaen bu akitlerin geçerli olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Bu yasağın kapsamına sadece müslümanların değil aynı zamanda müslüman olmayan vatandaşların ve müste’menlerin de dahil olduğu ifade edilmiştir. Buna göre müslüman olmayan bir vatandaş veya müste’men aleyhine böyle bir pazarlığa dahil olmanın hukuka uygun kabul edilmeyeceği açıklanmıştır. Sevm ale’s-sevmin yalnızca satış akdi açısından değil, aynı zamanda kıyas yoluyla diğer akitler bakımından da geçerli olacağı belirtilmiştir. Bu açıklamalarda Hanefî mezhebinin görüşü esas alınmış olmakla birlikte diğer mezheplerin görüşlerine de yer verilmiştir. Makale genel itibariyle Hanefî mezhebi odağında diğer mezheplerin görüşlerine de yer verilen bir yöntemle oluşturulmuştur. Tüm bu görüşlerin ardından mer’î hukukta bu yasağın uygulanıp uygulanmadığı hususunda açıklamalar yapılmıştır. (shrink)

Retoriğin ne olduğuna ve ona kimin, niçin ihtiyaç duyduğuna dair tartışmalar felsefe tarihinin dikkate değer meseleleridir. Aristoteles’ten önceki düşünürler retoriği, yalnızca duygularını harekete geçirmek suretiyle dinleyiciyi manipüle etmeye yarayan bir konuşma biçimi olarak görürler iken Aristoteles ise onu, ikna edimiyle bir şekilde ilgili her bir bireyin ihtiyaç duyduğu bir sanat olarak yapılandırmaktadır. Konuşmacı, konu ve dinleyici olmak üzere üç unsurdan ve konuşmacının karakteri, akıl yürütme ve dinleyicinin duygu durumu olmak üzere üç ikna tarzından oluşan bu yapılandırmada akıl yürütmenin merkezi bir (...) konumda olması Aristoteles’in yaptığı şeyin özgünlüğünü belirgin bir şekilde ortaya çıkarmaktadır. İnsanın ilgilendiği neredeyse her konu veya mesele bir şekilde ikna ile ilişkilidir. Aristoteles’in yapılandırdığı haliyle retorik sanatı makul gerekçelerle iknayı amaçladığına göre, her bir birey gerek birilerini ikna edebilmek gerekse kendisine yönelik manipülatif konuşmalardan korunabilmek için bu sanata bir şekilde ihtiyaç duymaktadır. (shrink)

Some of the outstanding masters of Kurdish historical schools (Medresê) are usually and rightly seen as belonging to the Aristotelian tradition. In this introductory study I briefly present some manuscripts of Kurdish glosses on Aristotelian logical texts, and show that the Aristotelian logical tradition, as inherited from early Islamic philosophers, also formed an important strand in Kurdish schools. Kurdish students' peculiar approach to Aristotelian logic affected the way in which Categories, De Interpretatione and Isagoge were studied in Kurdish schools from (...) the fifteenth century onwards. (shrink)

Elias and Foucault ended up making the same core discovery about the same fundamental social process, which we term the ‘social constraints towards self-discipline’ process. We show how three distinct biographical and intellectual factors were important in guiding them toward this discovery: (1) their shared exposure to philosophical traditions associated with Heidegger’s break from Husserl; (2) their common, sustained contact with ‘clinical’ practices; and (3) the traumatic events each experienced in relation to intentional injury and death.

The first volume in the series Cambridge Studies in Philosophy and the Arts offers a range of responses by distinguished philosophers and art historians to some crucial issues generated by the relationship between the art object and language in art history. Each of the chapters in this volume is a searching response to theoretical and practical questions in terms accessible to readers of all human science disciplines. The editors, one a philosopher and one an art historian, provide an introductory chapter (...) which outlines the themes of the volume and explicates the terms in which they are discussed. The contributors open new avenues of enquiry involving concepts of 'presence', 'projective properties', visual conventions and syntax, and the appropriateness of figurative language in accounting for visual art. The issues they discuss will challenge the boundaries to thought that some contemporary theorising sustains. (shrink)

Science has been dazzlingly successful in explaining nature. Scientific advances also have led to certain undesirable, though unintended, side effects, one of which is alienation from the spiritual. Revelation comes from the Divine. But what is the status of authenticity of a particular piece claimed to be revelation? What is its historical validity and current state of preservation? This essay proposes to develop a list of rational criteria, in consultation with all stakeholders, for addressing the subject. The aim is to (...) bring objectivity into this discourse by placing it more on the turf of reason rather than basing it on considerations of faith and prior allegiance. (shrink)

This book is an original and important study of philosophical issues in medieval Arabic poetics. Examining the commentaries on Aristotle's Poetics by Avicenna in the context of Aristotle's logical theory, the author shows how the philosophers justified the logical and moral power of poetic discourse.

Bu makale kapsamında, XII. yüzyılda yaşamış önemli Yahudi din âlimlerinden Musa bin Meymûn (öl. 601/1204) ile XVII. yüzyılda yaşamış olan ve düşünceleri neticesinde ateist olduğu suçlamasıyla yirmi dört yaşındayken aforoz edilip bağlı bulunduğu Yahudi cemaatinden kovulan Spinoza’nın (öl. 1088/1677) vahiy ve nübüvvet anlayışları ele alınmıştır. Spinoza, Teolojik-Politik İnceleme adlı eserinde, teolojinin felsefeden ayrılması gerekliliğini göstermek amacındadır. Spinoza’nın bu arzusu onu, İbn Meymûn’la ve onun temsil ettiği gelenekle karşı karşıya getirmiştir. Neticede Spinoza’nın vahiy ve nübüvvet konusunda İbn Meymûn’dan etkilendiği ve onunla (...) bir hesaplaşmaya girdiği görülmektedir. Onun İbn Meymûn’dan hangi bakımdan etkilendiği ya da onunla nasıl bir hesaplaşmaya girdiği makalenin asıl konusunu teşkil etmektedir. Çalışmamız giriş, ana bölüm ve sonuç olarak üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. Giriş bölümünde öncelikle vahiy kavramının ne ifade ettiğine ve hem İslam düşünürlerinin hem de İbn Meymûn’un beslendiği ana kaynak olması nedeniyle Platon ile Aristoteles’in kehanet ve rüya hakkındaki görüşlerine kısaca değinilmiştir. Ayrıca Spinoza’nın İbn Meymûn’dan etkilenmesi veya onunla hesaplaşmasının, İbn Meymûn’un da mensubu olduğu İslam filozoflarının temsil ettiği gelenekle alakalı olmasından dolayı giriş bölümünde, bazı İslam filozoflarının görüşlerine de ana hatlarıyla değinme gereği duyulmuştur. Bunu yaparken Müslüman filozofların ilklerinden ve en önemlilerinden kabul edilen Kindî (öl. 252/866?), Fârâbî (öl. 339/950) ve İbn Sinâ’nın (öl. 428/1037) düşüncelerine özlü şekilde değinilmesi yeterli görülmüştür. Bu arada tarihsel açıdan İbn Meymûn’la Spinoza arasında bir yerde duran diğer bir Yahudi filozof Levi ben Gershom’un (öl. 745/1344) fikirleri de kısaca ele alınmıştır. Bu filozofların düşüncelerinden yola çıkılarak vahyin mütehayyile kuvvetiyle, ayrıca rüya ve kehanetle ilgisi gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın asıl bölümünde ise öncelikle İbn Meymûn’un vahiy ve nübüvvet anlayışı incelenmiş, akabinde bu, Spinoza’nın vahiy ve nübüvvet anlayışıyla mukayese edilmiştir. İbn Meymûn’un nübüvvet anlayışı incelenirken yer yer İslam filozoflarından etkilendiği kısımlara değinilmiştir. Bu mukayesede bilhassa İbn Meymûn’un Delâletu’l-Hâirîn adlı eseriyle Spinoza’nın Teolojik-Politik İnceleme adlı eseri ana kaynaklar olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Bu çalışma neticesinde hem iki düşünürün teolojik yaklaşımının daha iyi anlaşılması hem de Aydınlanmanın müjdecilerinden biri sayılan Spinoza’nın eleştirel dahi olsa İbn Meymûn’a kadar uzanan düşünce kodları gösterilmek istenmiştir. İbn Meymûn’a kadar uzanan bu kodların aynı zamanda İslam düşünce dünyasına uzandığı da vurgulanmak istenmiştir. Bu makalede, konunun kapsamı iki düşünürün peygamber, vahiy ve vahyin oluşmasında rol alan enfüsi ve afaki etmeler ile vahyin dili yönündeki düşünceleriyle sınırlandırılmıştır. İki düşünürün teolojiye ait mucize gibi diğer görüşlerindeki farklılıklar ya da benzerlikler makalenin kapsamı dışında tutulmuştur. (shrink)