This four-volume set presents an unrivalled collection of the key literature in European sociology. The prestigious texts range across the European tradition from enlightenment to contemporary theory. The collection explodes the myth that the European tradition in sociology is a debate with the ghosts of Karl Marx and Max Weber, demonstrating that the tradition is far more deeply rooted and broadly based. Volume 1 is devoted to the emergence of European sociology. The contribution of classical political economy and the Enlightenment (...) is examined. Commentaries on the work of Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Taine, Rousseau, de Tocqueville, Comte and St. Simon are included. The volume creates a vivid and compelling picture of the origins of European sociology. Volume 2 covers the rise of the classical period in social theory. It includes commentaries on the contribution of Marx, Spencer, Dilthey, Weber, Durkheim and Simmel. An overview of the main contributions of the founding fathers is also included. Volume 3 moves on to explore the main developments in the first half of the twentieth century. The contributions of the Durkheimian Tradition, Mauss, Mannheim, Lukacs, Gramsci and British sociology are presented. The volume provides a synoptic view of the diversity and emerging complexity of European sociology. Volume 4 identifies the main developments from post-industrial theory to the present day. The volume includes commentaries on the work of Aron, Foucault, Habermas, Giddens, Bourdieu, Boudon and Gellner. Selections on structuralism, polysemy, the positivist dispute and the neo-liberal tradition widen out the picture. The collection is the benchmark work for understanding the history, contribution and dilemmas of the European tradition. Full account is taken of the reference needs of students as well as of academics. Each hardcover volume of 416 pages is bound to the highest standards. The lettering on the cover is gold embossed. The slip case for the four volumes is also embossed. The volumes are not available separately. (shrink)

Este trabajo analiza cómo la interpretación de incertidumbre afecta las propuestas de diseño institucional. Para ello, revisamos los contratos sociales en las obras de Hobbes, Locke y Rousseau a la luz del neoinstitucionalismo de la elección racional. Nuestro argumento es que los contratos sociales propuestos por cada uno de estos autores tienen como objetivo superar problemas de incertidumbre. Sin embargo, cada uno de ellos, dadas sus circunstancias históricas, los concibió de manera distinta. Esto último tiene consecuencias sobre cómo las instituciones (...) distribuyen el poder político. (shrink)

Obwohl hierzu schon einige grundlegende Arbeiten aus den zwanziger und den frühen dreißiger Jahren vorlagen, war es erst Richard Schottkys Dissertation, welche die Fichtesche Rechts- und Staatsphilosophie in die Linie der großen Staatskonzeptionen der Neuzeit richtig einzustellen vermochte. Hier fiel nicht mehr der Blick auf sie aus nationalem Interesse, sondern Fichtes Entwurf wurde als ein notwendiger Schritt erkennbar, der aus Rousseaus contrat social und dessen Reaktionen auf Thomas Hobbes auf der einen Seite, wie auf Locke auf der anderen Seite, zur (...) Grundlage des autonomen Rechtsstaates überhaupt erst führte. Die Abhandlung Das Problem der Gewaltenteilung bei Rousseau und Fichte ergänzt die Dissertation, insbesondere was Fichtes Staatskonzeption betrifft, indem sie auch die späte Rechts- und Staatslehre berücksichtigt und Fichtes erneute Wandlung einbezieht, mit der er in der Spätphilosophie um eine sittliche Fundierung der Rechtssphäre, die den Staat trägt, bemüht ist. (shrink)

Unidad didáctica I Tema 1. Rasgos de la modernidad 1. 1. Características del proyecto moderno 1. 2. Contradicciones internas del proyecto moderno Tema 2. El paradigma del conocimiento científico: racionalismo, empirismo e idealismo trascendental 2. 1. Descartes 2. 2. Hume 2. 3. Kant Tema 3. El paradigma del contrato: Hobbes, Locke y Rousseau 3. 1. Hobbes 3. 2. Locke 3. 3. Rousseau Tema 4. El paradigma de los sentimientos y el determinismo: de Pascal a Kant 4. 1. Pascal 4. 2. (...) Spinoza 4. 3. Hume 4. 4. Kant Unidad didáctica II Tema 1. El desarrollo científico y el positivismo 1. 1. El desarrollo científico del siglo XIX y la teoría de la evolución 1. 2. Comte y el positivismo Tema 2. El desarrollo del idealismo 2. 1. Fichte 2. 2. Schelling 2. 3. Hegel Tema 3. El desarrollo de las críticas a occidente 3. 1. Marx 3. 2. Nietzsche 3. 3. Freud Unidad didáctica III Tema 1. Husserl 1. 1. La intencionalidad de la conciencia 1. 2. La reducción fenomenológica Tema 2. Existencialismo 2. 1. El concepto de existencia 2. 2. Las determinaciones de la existencia Tema 3. Heidegger 3. 1. El Dasein 3. 2. Los existenciarios del Dasein 3. 3. El sentido del ser 3. 4. Dios Tema 4. La filosofía analítica 4. 1. El atomismo lógico 4. 2. El positivismo lógico 4. 3. El segundo Wittgenstein Tema 5. La hermenéutica 5. 1. Gadamer 5. 2. Ricœur Tema 6. La escuela de Frankfurt 6. 1. Primera Teoría crítica 6. 2. La dialéctica de la Ilustración 6. 3. Marxismo y psicoanálisis Tema 7. Habermas 7. 1. Polémica con el positivismo 7. 2. Teoría de la acción comunicativa 7. 3. Un cambio de paradigma. (shrink)

One conclusion has already been reached, namely, the diagnosis of the problems of Rousseau's political thought. Again, this is not to say that Locke or Hobbes is correct and Rousseau incorrect, but only to observe that one cannot mix myths without getting into the deepest trouble. But there are several other observations of a more general nature that I want to make. First, the considerations introduced above are intended to point out something of the character of the language of political (...) theory. It is an error to treat such language as if it were assimilable to the verifiability model of scientific language (this was the mistake of both Hume and Weldon). The language of political theory, such as social contract theory, bears a much closer relationship to religious language than it does to at least that model of scientific discourse, for it is basically mythic in character. Speaking still in terms of the verifiability model of scientific discourse, political theories such as social contract are neither true nor false. If one means by “cognitively meaningful” the same thing as “true or false,” then one would be constrained to say that such political theories are meaningless. But the point is that although such theories cannot be shown to be either true or false in that rather simple-minded way that both Hume and Weldon require, they are in fact meaningful, and cognitively so. The essential difference is that the Hume-Weldon model requires that cognitive discourse be descriptive, while the view here advanced rejects this.It is perhaps worth noting, that the Hume-Weldon (positivistic) model has rather gone out of fashion even in the paradigmatic case of the language of science. The difficulties of the verifiability theory of meaning are legion and are well-known to philosophers of science. The problem is, however, that those difficulties and the more recent developments in the theory of scientific language arising out of those difficulties are not equally well known to all philosophers and not known at all outside philosophy. Thus a great many philosophers and practically all nonphilosophers operate with an outmoded theory of language and this theory, unfortunately, governs most of the discussion about political theory.Second, a problem related to that of verification arises out of a consideration of the relationships among mythic structures. For example, it is sometimes maintained that the American democratic system rests on a certain religious point of view: that we are a Christian nation. I am not concerned to attack or defend this position. I want only to observe that it is conceivable that myths may “stack” in certain ways, that hierarchies of mythic structures are possible, such that under one very general kind of myth (such as Marxism), certain subordinate or lower-order myths are permissible and others are not. Among these high-order myths may be certain metaphysics, such as Spinozism or Platonism, or certain religions. Consequently, in addition to such “verification” procedures as have already been suggested, there may be another, namely, the determination of the compatibility of the given myth with others of higher order. If this is so, then one must be careful not to assume that his particular political myth is compatible with just any other point of view he might hold.Finally, returning once more to Rousseau, there is the difficulty involved in getting out of one myth and into another. Religious thinkers have always known about this, for it is the problem of conversion. But philosophers have tended to think that all one had to do was present some arguments and everyone would come around to that point of view. What has been missed is the blikish element, and this undoubtedly explains why there have been virtually no philosophical conversions by argument. Scientific disputes can usually (though not always) be resolved by the introduction of evidence, but if religious points of view and political myths (like the social contract) are bliks, then they determine what will be accepted as evidence and consequently no evidence will count against them. As I have already said, I think this is too strong. There is a blikish element in myths, but in a very large, although recognizable, sense, they are “verifiable.” Even so, the fact that in myth one is presented with a picture, a drama, of which one is a part and not, as in the descriptive model of scientific language, with a set of propositions of which the knowing subject is independent, this fact, I say, makes all the difference in the world so far as switching positions is concerned. Thus, as Rousseau's case suggests, it is extremely hard to get out of one myth, one blik, one way of looking at the world, and into another. This suggests why Democrats do not often become Republicans, why Buddhists do not often become Christians, and why teen-agers complain that their parents do not understand them. (shrink)

Desde la publicación de El contrato social, en 1752, la concepción roussoniana de la democracia ha sido, de diversos modos, interpretada y cuestionada. Este artículo tiene una orientación hermenéutica: busca contribuir a esclarecerla y demostrar que las interpretaciones conservadoras que la identifican con el pensamiento autoritario e incluso totalitario no corresponden al sentido de los textos. Asimismo, se explicitan sus diferencias con las concepciones políticas de Hobbes y Locke. Podría decirse que Rousseau abre el espacio para el surgimiento de nuevas (...) formas de pensamiento, respecto al liberalismo clásico y la Ilustración francesa. Fundó el pensamiento crítico sobre la sociedad moderna y planteó, lúcidamente, el problema de la fragmentación social y la necesidad de superarlo potenciando la dimensión comunitaria de la sociedad, mediante la constitución de un nuevo orden político y un nuevo proyecto educativo. Fundó, con ello, una nueva tradición democrática diferente a la de Locke: la concepción participativa de la democracia, basada en el principio de la soberanía popular, la cual ha alcanzado un importante desarrollo en nuestro tiempo. (shrink)

Este estudio pretende demostrar el origen metodológico común del concepto de soberanía popular de Rousseau y Carl Schmitt, entendido como aquella autoridad política cuya legitimidad descansa en un principio democrático verdaderamente sustantivo. En primer lugar, se intentará probar cómo ambas obras serían la expresión de una común reacción al formalismo de una dogmática liberal que identifica metodológicamente la legalidad formal con la legitimidad política. Así, Rousseau critica un enunciado de la ley natural procedente de Locke que legitima la desigualdad social (...) y política y justifica el gobierno burgués de los propietarios y Schmitt cuestiona un positivismo jurídico cuyo normativismo habría ocultado el auténtico valor sociológico del poder y la soberanía. En segundo lugar, una vez avanzada una crítica de las representaciones políticas que niegan el carácter sustantivo del pueblo soberano, se estudia el modo en que ambos formulan una propuesta metodológica alternativa. Aquí se prestará especial atención al modo en que la elaboración schmittiana incorpora, en un contexto de crisis de las formas liberales, una reelaboración de la crítica de Rousseau. (shrink)

A famosa filosofia materialista e ateísta de Holbach é menos conhecida por sua dimensão política. Ainda assim, o autor propôs uma teoria original do contrato social em suas obras da década de 1770. Este artigo detalha as principais características de seu pensamento político e de sua ideia de contrato social, destacando sua proposta de uma “Etocracia”, que se fundamenta na utilidade e na justiça. Essa Etocracia abre caminho para um republicanismo pluralista com traços originais na história das ideias. Holbach era (...) leitor de Hobbes e Locke, conhecido de Rousseau e propôs várias críticas aos escritos políticos desses autores. Por meio de cinco críticas principais, este artigo mostra ainda o valor da teoria positiva de Holbach em conceitos-chave como estado de natureza, sociabilidade, propriedade, vontade geral e igualdade. Por último, a potencial contribuição de Holbach para a teoria política é destacada, mostrando como esse autor, em grande medida esquecido, merece a nossa atenção nos dias de hoje. (shrink)

A lo largo de los siglos XVII y XVIII se desarrollaron sucesivas reformulaciones del contrato social a partir de la propuesta hobbesiana, categorizadas hoy en día bajo el rótulo de contractualismo clásico. Dentro de tales propuestas se sostiene que fue con Rousseau con quien el contrato social alcanzó su momento de plena madurez, racionalizándose y profundizándose sus consecuencias democráticas. Así pues, el contrato social es —dentro de la filosofía política— el elemento más significativo para sustentar la teoría del Estado moderno. (...) Sin embargo, una importante consecuencia de dicha teorización es el hecho de que el naciente Estado moderno detente para sí el monopolio de la violencia. Así pues, es posible que un obscuro trasfondo de violencia se oculte tras la formulación contractualista. El artículo que sigue pretende desarrollar un análisis de la teoría del contrato social, particularmente en la formulación de Rousseau, a partir de la teoría mimética de René Girard, con el objetivo de encontrar en su obra más representativa El contrato social, rastros de la violencia mimética y el mecanismo de chivo expiatorio planteados en la teoría girardiana. (shrink)

Introduction 1 Part 1: Conceptual and Practical 19 1. Liberalism 21 2. Freedom 45 3. Culture and Anxiety 63 4. The Liberal Community 91 5. Liberal Imperialism 107 6. State and Private, Red and White 123 7. The Right to Kill in Cold Blood: Does the Death Penalty Violate Human Rights? 139 Part 2: Liberty and Security 157 8. Hobbes’s Political Philosophy 159 9. Hobbes and Individualism 186 10. Hobbes, Toleration, and the Inner Life 204 11. The Nature of Human (...) Nature in Hobbes and Rousseau 220 12. Locke on Freedom: Some Second Thoughts 233 Part 3: Liberty and Progress, Mill to Popper 255 13. Mill’s Essay On Liberty 257 14. Sense and Sensibility in Mill’s Political Thought 279 15. Mill in a Liberal Landscape 292 16. Utilitarianism and Bureaucracy: The Views of J. S. Mill 326 17. Mill and Rousseau: Utility and Rights 346 18. Bureaucracy, Democracy, Liberty: Some Unanswered Questions in Mill’s Politics 364 19. Bertrand Russell’s Politics: 1688 or 1968? 381 20. Isaiah Berlin: Political Theory and Liberal Culture 395 21. Popper and Liberalism 413 Part 4: Liberalism in America 427 22. Alexis de Tocqueville 429 23. Staunchly Modern, Nonbourgeois Liberalism 456 24. Pragmatism, Social Identity, Patriotism, and Self-Criticism 473 25. Deweyan Pragmatism and American Education 489 26. John Rawls 505 Part 5: Work, Ownership, Freedom, and Self-Realization 521 27. Locke and the Dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie 523 28. Hegel on Work, Ownership, and Citizenship 538 29. Utility and Ownership 556 30. Maximizing, Moralizing, and Dramatizing 573 31. The Romantic Theory of Ownership 586 32. Justice, Exploitation, and the End of Morality 600 33. Liberty and Socialism 617 Notes 631. (shrink)

L'auteur, qui tente de definir ici ce qu'il entend par methode d' analyse structurelle et de comprehension analogique des doctrines, l'illustre d'exemples concrets et induit ainsi la structure d'intelligibilite de toute reflexion politique possible: celle de la causalite totale et ordonnee du prince et du peuple, analogue de la distinction structurelle metaphysique de la forme et de la matiere, de la quiddite et de l'exercice, telle que l'aristotelisme les propose. Il montre par la meme comment le volontarisme de Duns Scot (...) et d'Occam rompt avec ce mode de pensee en definissant la volonte comme absolue de toute determination finale et objective par soi. Ce volontarisme - source de la reflexion politique moderne - inspire immediatement la notion du droit naturel de tous sur tout (jus omnium in omnia), dont les virtualites anarchiques appellent des contrepieds aussi divers que le sont la loi divine a apriori, le droit divin des rois, le droit naturel du jusnaturalisme moderne, le contrat social, la limitation psychologique de la volonte de chacun par celle d'autrui, comme les presentent tour a tour Occam, Suarez, Spinoza, Hobbes, Locke, Pufendorf, Barbeyrac, Rousseau, l'utilitarisme ou l'ethique de la discussion. (shrink)

El actual debate sobre el papel de la "esfera pública" en la política moderna no asume un concepto único de lo "público". La reconstrucción habermasiana de la esfera pública enfatiza la apertura inclusiva de la interacción discursiva a través de la sociedad civil, pero también sus efectos políticos al proveer legitimación reflexiva y una formación racional de la opinión. La esfera pública también se relaciona con el aparecer en común y actuar juntos; o es vinculada con la cultura política, con (...) los códigos sociales de expresión y los modos de presentación entre otros, con la opinión pública y con los múltiples públicos de la sociedad civil moderna. Tocqueville propone una interpretación matizada y multidimensional del espíritu público en la revolución democrática moderna. De ese modo, va más allá de las interpretaciones del espacio público racionalistas e idealizadas (como un ámbito comprehensivo de consenso discursivo); a través de la interpretación de Tocqueville de la sociedad y la cultura pública democráticas, se esboza la posibilidad de una esfera pública descentrada y asimétrica. Current debate over the role of "public sphere" in modern politics does not presuppose a single conception of the "public". Habermas' reconstruction of public sphere stresses the inclusive openness of discursive interaction through civil society, but also its political effects in providing reflexive legitimization and a rational formation of opinion. Public sphere is related also to appearing in common and acting together; or it is linked with public political culture, with social codes of expression and modes of presentation between others, with public opinion and with the multiple publics of modern civil society. Tocqueville proposes a qualified and multidimensional interpretation of the public spirit in modern democratic revolution. So, he goes beyond rationalist and idealized interpretations of public sphere (as a comprehensive realm of discursive consensus); through Tocqueville's interpretation of democratic society and political culture, the possibility of a de-centered and asymmetrical public sphere is outlined. (shrink)

Tocqueville, como todos los grandes clásicos, es inagotable. A man for all seasons, como lo prueba su reciente éxito en China y Japón, dos países y dos sistemas políticos tan alejados de la historia europea y del modelo democrático que él describió que le hubiera parecido sorprendente que le utilizaran como referencia. Ser un clásico inagotable con solo dos obras de obligada lectura es un logro del que pocos pueden vanagloriarse. Quizá Hobbes, quizá John Locke, dos de los autores que (...) menciona Lucien Jaume en el primer artículo de este monográfico que presentamos en la revista Araucaria. (shrink)

Presents an historical analysis of social contract theory by considering the works of prominent philosophers.

Resumo: Uma das características comuns dos primeiros filósofos modernos da Europa Ocidental é a ênfase na liberdade e na igualdade. Os filósofos desse período buscavam respostas para “o que é liberdade e igualdade?” e transformaram a liberdade e a igualdade em direitos humanos fundamentais. De John Locke a Montesquieu e Jean Jacques Rousseau, todos consideram a liberdade e a igualdade como direitos naturais do ser humano. O conceito de liberdade e igualdade de Rousseau é refletido em O Contrato Social. No (...) início desse trabalho, ele comentou, com uma famosa frase de abertura: “O homem nasce livre, mas está em toda parte acorrentado.” Esse é o argumento fundamental para dar uma visão única de liberdade e igualdade. Dentro do escopo do artigo, o autor se concentra em analisar seus pontos de vista sobre liberdade e igualdade, em muitos aspectos diferentes - liberdade e igualdade, no estado de natureza, liberdade e igualdade, na sociedade civil, e como alcançar a liberdade e a igualdade - apresentando, assim, os valores e as limitações de seus pontos de vista sobre liberdade e igualdade. (shrink)

In this dissertation, I address the role of the social imaginary in the age of democracy. I first show that we live in the "age of democracy" by looking at the works of modern thinkers such as Machiavelli, Montesquieu, Rousseau and de Tocqueville. They see democracy as an overcoming of what I called "epistemocracy." Then I turn my attention to the debate that occurred in the early and the mid-twentieth century on "the End of Ideology." This debate that still influences (...) us today shaped the way we think of democracy; we oppose it to all that is ideological and utopian. But this position is paradoxical because on the one hand it rejects the "atemporality" of ideology and utopia, but on the other it places itself outside of time in order to make its claim. This is referred to as "Mannheim's paradox." Thanks to the work of Paul Ricoeur, I show that narratives are unsurpassable and that we ought to see them as constitutive of reality. I show that this is dominant theme throughout Ricoeur's life and work where he insists that the modern and autonomous subject of modernity must be rejected and a new form of subjectivity, one that understands finitude and one that is linguistically mediated, must be retrieved. I then apply this general philosophy to Ricoeur's reading of ideology and utopia, whereby each plays a necessary role of sedimentation---in the case of ideology---and of innovation---in the case of utopia. Once the social imaginary is retrieved, I move to the work of radical democrats---Claude Lefort, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe---to show that radical democracy is the most compatible form of democracy with Ricoeur's thought. Lefort will show that Ricoeur is right in believing that power is symbolically mediated and that is ultimately groundless. Laclau and Mouffe will also complement Ricoeur's philosophy by showing that dissent is also linguistically and symbolically mediated. (shrink)

La doctrine du ‘contrat social’ a fait récemment une réapparition dans l'ouvrage A Theory of Justice de John Rawls. D'un avis unanime, chacun reconnaît l'importance de ce livre. Et cependant son contenu est objet de critiques divergentes. Le présent article est conçu comme une modeste contribution aux débats en cours. Après une rapide esquisse des idées maîtresses de Rawls, l'auteur dresse un bilan synoptique des conceptions du contrat social de Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau et Kant. Sont mis en évidence : 1° (...) le fait que ces quatre philosophes parlent d'un droit naturel immuable 2° le fait que, tout en étant révolutionnaires sur le plan des idées politiques, ils ne sont pas parvenus à déceler les problèmes sociaux. Rawls a intégré l'inspiration socialiste -la préoccupation de la justice sociale -dans la théorie du contrat social. Il insiste sur le dialogue impartial, base de la recherche des principes de justice politique et sociale. Son ouvrage souffre néanmoins d'une profonde incohérence. Rawls s'est tourné vers la tradition du contrat social pour sortir de l'utilitarisme, sa pensée est en effet dirigée par une inspiration toute différente. Pourtant, dans sa déduction des principes de justice, il retombe dans l'utilitarisme qu'il voulait éviter. L'ambiguïté qui en résulte le place dans l'impossibilité de répondre valablement à une critique venue de divers côtés. (shrink)

Resumen: El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el modo en que se presenta la virtud política en los principales textos de Montesquieu y su resonancia en la obra de Rousseau. La hipótesis general que se propone es que, a pesar de sus enormes divergencias, los dos elaboraron una lectura eminentemente moderna que los separa de la filosofía política clásica. Ambos habrían compartido la idea de que la virtud es una pasión ―o que es intercambiable por una pasión―, apartándose de (...) las jerarquías del pensamiento antiguo. Se sostiene en este artículo que Montesquieu declarará, ante la muerte de la virtud clásica, su sucedáneo en el placer de la seguridad que es capaz de garantizar la libertad por medio del gobierno mixto. Por su lado, Rousseau hará una reivindicación de la virtud antigua, pero identificándola con la compasión, dislocando el status de la virtud civil. Estas lecturas darán lugar a dos maneras muy distintas de comprender la relación existente entre derecho natural y derecho positivo. // Abstract: The aim of this article is to analyze the way in which political virtue appears in the main texts of Montesquieu and and its repercussions in Rousseau’s work. The hypothesis proposed is that, despite their enormous divergences, both of them developed an eminently modern reading that separates them from Classical Political Philosophy. Both authors would have shared the idea that virtue is a passion ―or that it is interchangeable with a passion―, moving away from the hierarchies of ancient thought. This paper argues that Montesquieu will declare after the death of classical virtue the pleasure of security as a substitute capable of guaranteeing modern liberty by means of States organized as mixed constitutions. For his part, Rousseau will make a vindication of ancient virtue, but identifying it with compassion, dislocating the status of civil virtue. These readings will give rise to two very different ways of understanding the relationship between natural law and positive law. -/- Palabras clave: virtud – pasión – modernidad – seguridad – compasión. Key-words: virtue – passion – modernity – security – compassion. (shrink)

Buscar-se-á no presente trabalho analisar os discursos acerca da formação do Estado em Rousseau e Locke. Os autores compartilham a teoria de uma forma de contrato social – um acordo deliberado entre seres humanos cuja condição selvagem se extingue neste momento decisório. Dessa forma, em ambos os autores, o Estado surge como um agente, ou corpo, protetor. Em contrapartida, os estudos de Pierre Clastres – etnólogo francês – referentes a grupos primitivos contemporâneos demonstram a existência de uma permanente conjuração contra (...) a possibilidade do surgimento de um poder político alienado do controle do grupo como um todo. Ou seja, uma conjuração contra o Estado. Nesse sentido, o objetivo geral desse trabalho é colidir tais ideias, assim como suas possíveis reverberações atuais. (shrink)

Tocqueville’s gifts as an observer and commentator on American life and democracy are brought to vivid life in this splendid volume. In On Tocqueville, Alan Ryan brilliantly illuminates the observations of the French sociologist Alexis de Tocqueville, who first journeyed to the United States in 1831 and went on to catalog the unique features of the American social contract in his two-volume masterpiece, Democracy in America. Often thought of as the father of "American Exceptionalism," Tocqueville sought to observe the social (...) conditions of emerging political equality in America, "a river that may be channeled but cannot be stopped in its course." In choosing America, he posed a central question of how a moderate, stable, and constitutional government is to be maintained in the wake of a revolution. As a dispassionate visitor, Tocqueville wanted to discover the social, moral, and economic arrangements that made liberty and self-government possible. In doing so, Tocqueville made a number of prescient observations about American life—whether it be the contrast between equality and liberty or Americans’ belief that they all belong to the middle class—that remain as relevant today as when they were first written. While Tocqueville is often praised by both conservatives and liberals, either for his distrust of big government and fondness for decentralized power or for his concern with association and community, both tend to overlook his contempt for the “coarse appearance” of the individual members of Congress as well as his enthusiasm for the brutal nature of our prison system. Alan Ryan examines the often complicated and elusive Democracy in America, tracing the influence of writers such as Rousseau, Montesquieu, and Guizot, and explaining Tocqueville’s original conceptions of equality and individualism within their historical context. In Ryan’s hands, On Tocqueville becomes the perfect introduction and guide to Democracy in America. On Tocqueville: Democracy and America features: • a chronology of Alexis de Tocqueville's life • an introduction and text by Alan Ryan that provides crucial context and cogent analysis • key excerpts from Democracy in America. (shrink)

The self is a topic that crosses a great many disciplinary boundaries; concepts of the self are central to political science, psychoanalysis, philosophy, sociology, and classical studies. In this book, C.Fred Alford sets forth a psychoanalytic account of the self and applies it to texts by Plato, Hobbes, Locke, Rawis, and Rouseau in order to draw out their implicit, often inchoate, assumptions about the self.

Jean-Jacques Rousseau opens his book The Social Contract with his famous statement, “Man is born free; and everywhere he is in chains.” An Enlightenment thinker, Rousseau understands himself to be responding to the two dominant traditions of political thought at this time: the voluntarist tradition of Hobbes, Pufendorf, and Grotius; and the liberal tradition of Locke and Montesquieu. The latter group argues that civil society exists to protect certain natural rights, one of which is liberty. The former group supports an (...) absolute monarchy, with the famous statement by Hobbes, as its signature: in the State of Nature, life is nasty, poor, brutish, and short. The only solution is to surrender one’s freedom to the sovereign and thus escape the brutality and depravity of life in the state of nature. (shrink)

This rich collection will introduce students of philosophy and politics to the contemporary critical literature on the classical social contract political thinkers Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. A dozen essays and book excerpts have been selected to guide students through the texts and to introduce them to current scholarly controversies surrounding the contractarian political theories of these three thinkers.

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:The State by Philip PETTITSteven B. SmithPETTIT, Philip. The State. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2023. 376 pp. Cloth, $39.95The dust-jacket of this book announces a bold claim: “The future of our species depends on the state.” Ever since the Treaty of Westphalia, the state has been regarded as the basic unit of political legitimacy, and yet the state has never ceased to have its critics. From the (...) left, the state has been regarded as failing to realize a normatively appealing ideal of justice that, it is believed, can be achieved only in some form of post-sovereign organization. From the right, the state has been seen as an agent of collectivization that threatens individual liberty and the right to property. Philip Pettit hopes to deflect both of these [End Page 159] complaints in his defense of the state as the indispensable political institution.This is a big and complex book that defies easy summary. Its core attempts to define the nature and limits of the “modern state” even if the term modern and how this differs from other alternative forms of political association is never explored. On Pettit’s realist account, the state will acquire legitimacy, not by holding it to rigorous standards of justice, but if it is able to achieve a rough balance of power between rulers and ruled. This standard does not require equality between the rulers and the ruled or even among the ruled themselves, but it does presuppose the value of stability that is a necessary requisite for any desirable polity. Pettit is, after all, the author of a book on Hobbes, and The State may be seen as an attempt to adapt and update Leviathan.Like Hobbes, Pettit insists that the attainment of political order is a precondition for any possibility of justice. Reversing Rawls’s famous dictum, it is order, not justice, that is the first virtue of social institutions. The author insists that the “functional polity” may fall well short of absolute justice, but this is because the state is related to justice in the way that prudence is related to morality. I wish this point had been more fully developed. It suggests a sphere of political ethics that stands somewhere between Machiavellian power politics and Kantian ideal theory. It suggests that politics requires a degree of prudential flexibility and latitude that cannot be reduced to norms or laws. But how prudence is related to justice, Pettit tantalizingly holds open for another book.The state that Pettit endorses sounds above all like the modern liberal state. The state will serve its ends when it provides for the rule of law that gives each citizen the freedom to act with impunity under legal protection. Sounding like Montesquieu’s famous definition of liberty as “that tranquility of spirit which comes from the opinion each one has of his security,” Pettit suggests that “the fully functional state should give each citizen a reliable, determinate zone of legal security, however limited it may be, within which they can decide on how they want to live their lives.” Isaiah Berlin could not have said it better.The book is divided into two large sections. The first deals with what might be called the metatheory of the state focusing on the rule of law, individual and corporate agency, and a theory of “decentralized” sovereignty. The second part deals with the functions of the state proper. These include the collective power of the people to challenge the sovereign—the best part of the book in my opinion—a defense of individual rights, and the ability of the state to intervene in the economy. Each of these claims, I expect, will give rise to heated debate, but I cannot develop them here.One of the more striking claims of Pettit’s book is the statement that “there has been little work on the theory of the state in the sense in which we pursue it here.” Much may hinge on the meaning of that last phrase, but as for the first part of the sentence, it is literally head scratching. Pettit acknowledges the importance of Bodin, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and [End... (shrink)

Classics of Modern Political Theory: Machiavelli to Mill brings together the complete texts or substantial selections from the masterpieces of modern political theory. The most comprehensive anthology of its kind, this volume includes well-known works by Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Hegel, and Marx, and significant contributions from Spinoza, Montesquieu, Hume, Adam Smith, Kant, Burke, Bentham, and Tocqueville. A distinctive feature of this collection is the inclusion of the Declaration of Independence, the U.S. Constitution, and numerous papers from The Federalist. An extended (...) introduction to each author's writings, provided by a renowned authority on the subject, features biographical data, philosophical commentary, and bibliographical guides. Ideal for courses in political philosophy and intellectual history, as well as surveys of Western Civilization, this book presents influential authors and ideas that have shaped modern political thought. (shrink)

L’articolo prende le mosse da un brevissimo testo su Rousseau che Bronisław Baczko pubblica nel 1962 sul «Journal de Genève», _Plus on croit le figer, plus il se d__érobe_, che viene qui proposto in appendice in traduzione italiana. A partire da un commento dettagliato del testo, la tesi che si intende dimostrare è che per lo storico polacco fondamentale è stato l’incontro con le opere di Maurice Merleau-Ponty non solo per l’interpretazione di Rousseau, ma anche per il passaggio dalla filosofia (...) e dalla storia della filosofia alla storia degli "immaginari" e delle mentalità, così come per il suo modo peculiare di concepire il mestiere dello storico e della sua responsabilità. (shrink)

This rich collection will introduce students of philosophy and politics to the contemporary critical literature on the classical social contract political thinkers Thomas Hobbes , John Locke , and Jean-Jacques Rousseau . A dozen essays and book excerpts have been selected to guide students through the texts and to introduce them to current scholarly controversies surrounding the contractarian political theories of these three thinkers.

Introduction, by R. Peters and M. Cranston.--Hobbes: the problem of interpretation, by W. H. Greenleaf.--Warrender and his critics, by B. Barry.--Hobbes and the just man, by K. R. Minogue.--Hobbes on the knowledge of God, by R. W. Hepburn.--The context of Hobbes's theory of political obligation, by Q. Skinner.--The economic foundations of Hobbes' politics, by W. Letwin.--Hobbes & Hull: metaphysicians of behaviour, by R. Peters and H. Tajfel.--Hobbes on power, by S. I. Benn.--Liberty, by J. W. N. Watkins.--Man and society in (...) Hobbes and Rousseau, by P. Winch.--On the intention of Rousseau, by L. Strauss.--The social contract and Rousseau's revolt against society, by J. McManners.--On le forcera d'être libre, by J. Plamenatz.--Rousseau's images of authority, by J. N, Shklar.--The notion of time in Rousseau's political thought, by W. Pickles.--The structure of Rousseau's political thought, by R. D. Masters.--Rousseau and the problem of happiness, by R. Grimsley.--Individual identity and social consciousness in Rousseau's philosophy, by J. Charvet.--Rousseau's theory of the forms of government, by B. de Jouvenel.--Bibliography (p. [498]-505). (shrink)

I denne artikel argumenterer jeg for, at forestillingen om folkesuverænitet overtager den politiske grundmodel fra tidligere måder at tænke suverænitet på ved at kon- stituere det politiske forhold som værende det mellem individet på den ene side og staten, nationen eller folket på den anden. Dermed bliver individet det grundlæg- gende politiske subjekt, hvormed alle andre sammenslutninger udgrænses som po- litiske subjekter. Artiklen argumenterer for, at en afgørende del af forestillingen om suverænitet var tømningen af det politiske rum mellem staten (...) og individet for kon- kurrerende politiske sammenslutninger, og at dette skal ses som en del af det tidligt- moderne ‘politi’, som handlede om at skabe god orden internt i det politiske legeme. I artiklen analyseres de tre kontrakt-tænkere Thomas Hobbes, John Locke og Jean- Jacques Rousseau som en del af den idéhistoriske eller legitimatoriske tømning af statens politiske rum, og som en del af politi-projektet. Dermed argumenteres der også for, at den moderne måde at forstå politik på er udtryk for en særlig politisk orden, der ikke kan tænke sammenslutninger som politiske subjekter. (shrink)

En esta entrevista excepcionalmente rica, Jürgen Habermas, último filósofo europeo de importancia mundial, repasa algunos de los temas principales de su pensamiento, y analiza las tendencias sociales y políticas actuales en Europa y en el mundo.

The importance of French revolutionary and philosopher Olympe de Gouges as a pioneer of the women’s rights movement is generally recognised today. In contrast, the significance of her thought for practical philosophy has not yet been fully appreciated. This article aims to bring out the relevance of de Gouges’ writings for practical philosophy both historically and systematically. Drawing on her 1791 text The Rights of Women, this article compares de Gouges’ depiction of gender relationships in the private and public spheres (...) with depictions by such classical social contract theorists as Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Immanuel Kant. From a historical perspective, de Gouges’ key contribution consists in pointing to and overcoming the theoretical assumptions that hamper the universality of individual rights. From a systematic perspective, de Gouges provides an account of the relationship between abstract universalism and concrete experiences of inequality that is now more topical than ever. (shrink)

This comprehensive volume contains much of the important work in political and social philosophy from ancient times until the end of the nineteenth century. The anthology offers both depth and breadth in its selection of material by central figures, while also representing other currents of political thought. Thucydides, Seneca, and Cicero are included along with Plato and Aristotle; Al-Farabi, Marsilius of Padua, and de Pizan take their place alongside Augustine and Aquinas; Astell and Constant are presented in the company of (...) Locke, Rousseau, and Wollstonecraft. -/- The editors have made every effort to include translations that are both readable and reliable. Every selection has been painstakingly annotated, and each figure is given a substantial introduction highlighting his or her major contribution within the tradition. In order to ensure the highest standards of accuracy and accessibility, the editors have consulted dozens of leading academics during the course of the anthology's development (a number of whom have contributed introductory material as well as advice). The result is an anthology with unparalleled pedagogical benefits, and one that truly breaks new ground. -/- . (shrink)

Las teorías que se han centrado en la represión del incesto (Freud, Levi-Strauss) o en la existencia de un contrato social (Hobbes, Rousseau) han generado mucha atención en, respectivamente, el estudio de la familia y el Estado, y muy poca en el de las pequeñas asociaciones igualitarias de varones jóvenes. En el presente ensayo, adheriremos a las teorías biológico-antropológicas de Boehm (1999; 2000a; 2009; 2012), Sterelny (2011; 2016) y Marean (2016) acerca de la evolución de la cooperación. Dichos enfoques proponen (...) a las sanciones sociales y a la resolución de conflictos como mecanismos que condujeron, en el Paleolítico superior, a las primeras formas de organización social igualitaria realizadas por las bandas de cazadores-recolectores. Sostendremos que tales estructuras de organización social siguen presentes allí donde bandas y pandillas operan con igual o mayor importancia que otras instituciones (la familia, los cacicazgos, el Estado-Nación). Con ayuda de la extensa literatura sobre modelos ecológicos de violencia y territorialidad, mostraremos que la existencia de bandas y pandillas (desde el Pleistoceno, pasando por la Era Vikinga, hasta la crisis de violencia en Centroamérica a principios del siglo xxi) se explica en gran medida por la competencia por los recursos y es una forma paradójica de organización cooperativa. (shrink)

Ideal for survey courses in social and political philosophy, this volume is a substantially abridged and slightly altered version of Steven M. Cahn's Classics of Political and Moral Philosophy (OUP, 2001). Offering coverage from antiquity to the present, Political Philosophy: The Essential Texts is a historically organized collection of the most significant works from nearly 2,500 years of political philosophy. It moves from classical thought (Plato, Aristotle) through the medieval period (Aquinas) to modern perspectives (Machiavelli, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Hume, Adam (...) Smith, Hamilton and Madison, Kant). The book includes work from major nineteenth-century thinkers (Hegel, Marx and Engels, Mill) and twentieth-century theorists (Rawls, Nozick, Foucault, Habermas, Nussbaum) and also presents a variety of notable documents and addresses, including the Declaration of Independence, the Bill of Rights, and speeches by Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King, Jr. The readings are substantial or complete texts, not fragments. An especially valuable feature of this volume is that the works of each author are introduced with an engaging essay by a leading contemporary authority. These introductions include Richard Kraut on Plato and Aristotle; Paul J. Weithman on Aquinas; Roger D. Masters on Machiavelli; Jean Hampton on Hobbes; A. John Simmons on Locke; Joshua Cohen on Rousseau and Rawls; Donald W. Livingston on Hume; Charles L. Griswold, Jr., on Adam Smith; Bernard E. Brown on Hamilton and Madison; Paul Guyer on Kant; Steven B. Smith on Hegel; Richard Miller on Marx and Engels; Jeremy Waldron on Mill; Thomas Christiano on Nozick; Thomas A. McCarthy on Foucault and Habermas; and Eva Feder Kittay on Nussbaum. (shrink)

Si la démocratie se pense encore souvent à travers des doctrines qui remontent aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles - Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Rousseau -, les nouvelles technologies et les nouvelles relations qu’elles permettent ne laissent plus de place à une conception contractualiste de la politique. Le sujet entendant et voulant n’est plus - si elle l'a jamais été - l'unité politique satisfaisante. Il nous paraît que la façon dont les utilitaristes ont compris l’adhésion des citoyens à la loi est globalement (...) plus satisfaisante pour comprendre les États modernes et les couplages plus en plus complexes des hommes avec les machines, dans leur travail et dans leur vie ordinaire. (shrink)

A proposta pedagógica de António Ribeiro Sanches: a educação pública da Mocidade Portuguesa Resumo: Com as Cartas à Mocidade Portuguesa António Ribeiro Sanches define o seu lugar entre os filósofos que dedicaram os seus pensamentos à educação dos mais novos. Mas ao contrário de Locke, Rousseau ou Martinho de Mendonça, Sanches reorienta a sua atenção para a educação pública abrindo um caminho diferente de reflexão no âmbito da pedagogia e tornando mais clara a ligação entre educação e a preservação da (...) sociedade enquanto fim. Este artigo pretende analisar a proposta pedagógica de Sanches tendo presente que, para o autor, ainda que todos devam ter acesso à educação pública, esta deve ser pensada de acordo com a condição social de cada um. Sanches assume, assim, a ideia de uma educação entendida como instrumento que garante eficácia na determinação, e perpetuação, do lugar que cada um ocupa na sociedade pela transmissão de conhecimentos e promoção de aptidões específicas para cada classe social. Palavras-chave: António Ribeiro Sanches. Educação pública. Aristocracia. Jean-Jacques Rousseau. John Locke. The pedagogical proposal of António Ribeiro Sanches: the public education of the Portuguese Youth: With Cartas à Mocidade Portuguesa António Ribeiro Sanches defines his place among the philosophers who have devoted their thoughts to the education of the youngest. But unlike Locke, Rousseau or Martinho de Mendonça, Sanches reorients his attention to the public education by opening a different path of reflection in the field of pedagogy and making clearer the link between education and the preservation of society. This article intends to analyze the pedagogical proposal of Sanches, bearing in mind that, for the author, although all should have access to public education, this should be considered according to the social condition of each one. Sanches assumes, thus, the idea of an education understood as an instrument that guarantees effectiveness in determining, and perpetuating, the place that each occupies in society by transmitting knowledge and promoting specific skills for each social class. Keywords: António Ribeiro Sanches. Public education. Aristocracy. Jean-Jacques Rousseau. John Locke. La propuesta pegagógica de António Ribeiro Sanches: la educación pública de la Juventud Portuguesa Resumen: Con las Cartas à Mocidade Portuguesa António Ribeiro Sanches define su lugar entre los filósofos que han dedicado sus pensamientos a la educación de los más jóvenes. A diferencia de Locke, Rousseau o Martinho de Mendoná, Sanches reorienta su atención a la educación pública abriendo un camino de reflexión diferente en el campo de la pedagogía y haciendo más claro el vínculo entre la educación y la preservación de la sociedad. Este artículo pretende analizar la propuesta pedagógica de Sanches, teniendo en cuenta que, para el autor, aunque todos deben tener acceso a la educación pública, esto debe ser considerado de acuerdo con la condición social de cada uno. Sanches asume la idea de una educación entendida como un instrumento que garantiza la eficacia en la determinación y perpetuación del lugar que cada uno ocupa en la sociedad mediante la transmisión de conocimientos específicos para cada clase social. Palabras-clave: António Ribeiro Sanches. Educación pública. Aristocracia. Jean-Jacques Rousseau. John Locke. Data de registro: 10/10/2019 Data de aceite: 20/04/2020. (shrink)

Si en su “Discurso sobre las ciencias y las artes” (1750) y en su “Discurso sobre el origen de la desigualdad” (1755) –publicados en un solo volumen en esta colección– Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778) fue sentando las bases de su pensamiento filosófico y social, el trabajo fundamental que acabó alumbrando el autor en el campo del pensamiento político fue “Del Contrato social”, publicado en 1762. Esta obra, en la que toman cuerpo las inquietudes políticas y la fe en la razón de (...) la corriente ilustrada, puede considerarse la fundadora del derecho político. Su análisis teórico de la soberanía de los Estados como producto de la voluntad general se fundamenta en un contrato por el que el individuo enajena su libertad natural a cambio de convertirse en ciudadano, recibir los derechos inalienables de igualdad jurídica e igualdad moral, y asegurar la libertad de todos los miembros de la sociedad. “Del Contrato social” es uno de los textos capitales para entender el nacimiento de las sociedades modernas. Traducción y prólogo de Mauro Armiño. (shrink)

Esta obra, conocida también como Segundo discurso, se publicó en Francia en 1755 y responde a una pregunta planteada por la Academia de Dijon: “¿Cuál es el origen de la desigualdad entre los hombres, está respaldada por la ley natural?”. Rousseau se opone principalmente a la tesis de Hobbes, que consideraba al hombre malo por naturaleza, y critica que este no retrocede lo suficiente en el tiempo para comprender al hombre natural. Así, el autor francés busca un conocimiento más profundo (...) y llega a la conclusión de que el hombre natural es “un buen salvaje que vive disperso entre los animales” y que no está condicionado por el miedo a la muerte porque no puede concebir ese final. Rousseau analiza dos tipos de desigualdad: la natural o física y la ética o política y argumenta que la segunda se establece por convención en sociedades civiles que son una trampa perpetuada por los poderosos sobre los débiles para mantener sus privilegios. (shrink)

This classroom edition includes On the Social Contract, the Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts, the Discourse on the Origins of Inequality, and the Preface to Narcissus. Each text has been newly translated and includes a full complement of explanatory notes. The editors’ introduction offers students diverse points of entry into some of the distinctive possibilities and challenges of each of these fundamental texts, as well as an introduction to Rousseau’s life and historical situation. The volume also includes annotated (...) appendices that help students to explore the origins and influences of Rousseau’s work, including excerpts from Hobbes, Pascal, Descartes, Mandeville, Diderot, Voltaire, Madame de Staël, Benjamin Constant, Joseph de Maistre, Kant, Hegel, and Engels. (shrink)

This comprehensive volume contains much of the important work in political and social philosophy from ancient times until the end of the nineteenth century. The anthology offers both depth and breadth in its selection of material by central figures, while also representing other currents of political thought. Thucydides, Seneca, and Cicero are included along with Plato and Aristotle; Al-Farabi, Marsilius of Padua, and de Pizan take their place alongside Augustine and Aquinas; Astell and Constant are presented in the company of (...) Locke, Rousseau, and Wollstonecraft. The editors have made every effort to include translations that are both readable and reliable. Every selection has been painstakingly annotated, and each figure is given a substantial introduction highlighting his or her major contribution within the tradition. In order to ensure the highest standards of accuracy and accessibility, the editors have consulted dozens of leading academics during the course of the anthology’s development (a number of whom have contributed introductory material as well as advice). The result is an anthology with unparalleled pedagogical benefits, and one that truly breaks new ground. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:BOOK REVIEWS 133 argument that the third dream contains an anticipation of the "Cogito, ergo sum," in that Descartes, towards the end of the dream, recognizes that he is dreaming. This monograph is rounded out with Sebba's reflections on some of the problems involved in writing the history of philosophy, including the need for the historian to be philosophic in a way which exceeds the need for a historian (...) of science to be an active scientist. Here Sebba expressed his debt to his friend and mentor, the intellectual historian Eric Voegelin. As an indication of his plans (sadly, never to be realized), Watson has also included some notes Sebba put together, in which he reacted especially to Richard Popkin's work on the history of scepticism. The Descartes student is grateful not only to Sebba for these studies, but also to Professors Watson and Popkin for the care they have taken to bring this work before the public via the Journal of the History of Philosophy Monograph Series. In the light of their generosity, it seems churlish to wish they had added an index and a bibliography of works referred to. DESMOND J. FITZGERALD University of San Francisco Andrzej Rapaczynski. Nature and Politics: Liberalism in the Philosophies of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987. Pp. xi + 3o2. $29.95. Ruth W. Grant.John Locke'sLiberalism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987. Pp. viii + 22o. $~4.95. Both Grant and Rapaczynski claim that their books clarify the place of Locke's political theory with respect to liberalism as a set of beliefs and social practices transmitted from one generation to the next over time, although each author premises this claim upon a different interpretive approach to Locke's political thought. Professor Rapaczynski maintains that a historical dimension is indispensable to an understanding of political theory (a), but since he offers no historical evidence, uncovers no new facts or information, and generally fails even to make use of available evidence produced by other historians, this pronouncement appears to be little more than a defensive piece of rhetoric divorced from his actual interpretive practice. Historical accuracy is an important element of interpretation, he writes, "but I have not felt bound by the strictures that would constrain a more narrowly historical work" (5), and he is "quite prepared," he insists, for the objection that his reading of Locke is anachronistic (15). Well might he be prepared for such a criticism, for his interpretation of Locke's thought is not only anachronistic, but replete with errors and unsubstantiated assertions. Apparently, for Rapaczynski, historical accuracy is a necessary ingredient of a "narrowly historical" work of scholarship or a "narrowly contextualist reading" of Locke's Two TreatisesofGovernment, but in order to grasp "the proper historical meaning of liberal doctrine" (5, 15-16) and Locke's place in the tradition of liberalism, interpretive leaps into the evidential void are required. Rapaczynski is right to focus upon the recovery of meanings from a text, for that is what interpreters do. Yet, meanings are neither arbitrarily created by the author (or ~34 JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY 28:1 JANUARY I990 the interpreter) nor are they wholly contained "in" the text; rather, meanings are conventional, embedded in social practices, and are significandy affected by those factors which increase or decrease the causal efficacy of beliefs in relation to the execution of actions with which those beliefs are assumed to be associated. If, therefore, Rapaczynski interprets Locke's ideas as expressing a secular viewpoint, an indifferent attitude towards nature, an understanding of natural law premised upon a mechanistic model of natural science, and as the embodiment of an unqualified defense of capitalism (117-~5), the question arises, from what source are such meanings to be drawn? They are certainly not reflections of Locke's intentions or authorial meaning, nor are they expressions of the conventional meanings accepted by Restoration thinkers. They cannot even draw upon the general authority of "the political tradition to which Locke's readers have belonged," as Rapaczynski assumes (5), for that tradition includes Paine and Adam Smith, Bentham and Hegel, Defoe and John Stuart Mill, individuals for whom Locke's arguments carried... (shrink)

El presente trabajo pretende demostrar que la categoría despotismo analizada por Tocqueville afecta principalmente a la subjetividad y no a la lógica social de la democracia moderna. Para demostrar esta premisa, se explora la influencia de la filosofía política aristotélica en la psicología moral del autor francés, para mostrar que los atributos empíricos de esta conexión permiten constatar una concepción «asentida» de despotismo que condiciona el comportamiento, en detrimento de interpretaciones que abogan por una exclusiva congruencia estructural de sus efectos.

Hobbes elabora una concepción clave de estado de naturaleza, al que denomino el fundamental; lo complemento al agregar su versión moderada que ilustro con una historia acerca de los antiguos islandeses y sus Sagas. Respetaban sus leyes, a pesar de que no podían exigir su cumplimiento. La vida en dicha sociedad era grosera y embrutecida, pero no pobre o solitaria. Finalmente se instituyó el gobierno del rey noruego. Sin embargo, Hobbes necesita un concepto social adicional que se comprenda en referencia (...) al fundamental, a saber, el de guerra civil. Se asemeja al estado de naturaleza fundamental y también conduce a éste. Luego debe considerar un tercer concepto, a saber, la vida bajo el poder político dividido. Pero aquí el argumento falla: Hobbes no puede afirmar que el poder dividido origina la guerra civil que a su vez origina el estado de naturaleza fundamental. La única posibilidad es argumentar que la vida bajo el poder dividido es en sí misma un estado de naturaleza (de su propia clase especial), lo cual es una exageración. El argumento de Hobbes a favor de un gobernante soberano lo ha llevado lejos, pero no lo suficiente. (shrink)