Aramaic Bowl Spells: Jewish Babylonian Aramaic Bowls, vol. 1. By Shaul Shaked; James Nathan Ford; and Siam Bhayro. Magical and Religious Literature of Late Antiquity, vol. 1. Leiden: BrILL, 2013. Pp. xxvii + 368, illus. $144.

Aramaic in Postbiblical Judaism and Early Christianity. Edited by Eric M. Meyers and Paul V. Flesher. Duke Judaic Studies Series, vol. 3. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2010. Pp. xx + 300. $49.50.

Die aramäischen Texte aus Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu/Magdalu. By Wolfgang Röllig. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu, vol. 17. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2014. Pp. lxiv + 284, illus. €84.

Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions from Mt. Gerizim and Samaria between Antiochus III and Antiochus IV Epiphanes. By Jan Dušek. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, vol. 54. Leiden: Brill, 2012. Pp. xviii + 200, illus. $135.

The recent publication of A Grammar of Qumran Aramaic by T. Muraoka provides a much-needed analysis of this important corpus of Aramaic texts. The grammar treats not only the corpus of texts found near Wadi Qumran, collectively known as the Dead Sea Scrolls, but also texts from neighboring regions along the Dead Sea, including Wadi Murabba’at and Naḥal Ḥever. The book is thorough and well written and represents the first in-depth grammar of these texts; it goes well beyond (...) the only other existing grammar, that of Ursula Schattner-Rieser, L’araméen des manuscrits de la mer Morte: I. Grammaire. Muraoka’s grammar lists copious textual citations that give a reader the sense that the observations are backed up by solid data. All the same, it does not attempt to state more than the evidence can allow. The thoroughness of the treatment allows one to compare afresh some points of contact between the grammar of these texts and that of the Hebrew scrolls. Despite the usefulness of this grammar and the nuance with which it is realized, the grammar does contain some points of confusion and inconsistency, some of which are outlined below. (shrink)

This article treats the Jewish Babylonian Aramaic 3rd person singular pronoun נוולא nawla, attested four times in the vast rabbinic corpus: three times in the Babylonian Talmud and one time in Tractate Sofrim. First, it is shown that the form is epicene, as it can have both masculine and feminine antecedents. Second, the four attestations reveal a specialized meaning for the form, to wit, ‘this-one’ or ‘that-one’ when there are specifically two items under discussion. Which is to say, the (...) form נוולא nawla is not used for simple ‘he’ or ‘she’ or ‘this’ or ‘that’, for which JBA and other Aramaic dialects have familiar and widely attested forms. Third, the article proposes that the form is borrowed from the Hurro-Urartian family, well known for its epicene pronouns. See, for example, Hurrian anni=lla, ani=lla, etc., Urartian i=ne=lə, ina=ne=lə, etc. Even though these forms are plural forms, while נוולא nawla is a singular form, comparative evidence demonstrates that when pronouns are borrowed from one language to another, they at times may jump person and number. (shrink)

Aramaic Documents from Ancient Bactria from the Khalili Collections. Edited by Joseph Naveh and Shaul Shaked. London: The Khalili Family Trust, 2012. Pp. xxi + 294, illus.

The Aramaic verbal root √prns ‘to distibute, supply’ is first attested in the Middle Aramaic period. It is then widely attested across all of the dialects of Late Aramaic. Outside of Aramaic, the root √prns is also found in post-Biblical Hebrew. A number of proposals have been made for the etymology of this root, but there continues to be no consensus on this question. The present note argues that the verbal root √prns ‘to distribute, supply’ derives (...) from Greek προνοῆσαι, the aorist infinitive of προνοέω ‘to perceive, foresee; to provide, take care of’. This etymology is compared with that of √pys D/C ‘to persuade’, which is also first attested in Middle Aramaic, also became productive in a number of the Late Aramaic dialects, and also derives from a Greek aorist infinitive. (shrink)

The Jewish Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Amədya. By Jared Greenblatt. Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics, vol. 61. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Pp. ix + 366. $266.

A Cultural History of Aramaic: From the Beginnings to the Advent of Islam. By Holger Gzella. Handbuch der Orientalistik, vol. 111. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Pp. xv + 451. $363.

The oldest record of the notion of “mercy”, raḥmān, in Aramaic is known from a bilingual text in which the word is the translation of the Akkadian rēmēnû. The latter is used in Mesopotamian onomastics, hymns and prayers, which delivered the oldest formulae of calls for the mercy of gods, especially in a recurrent expression: “the merciful god, that is good to pray,” translated verbatim in the Aramaic text of the statue of Tell Fekheryeh. Almost a thousand years (...) later, the same wording has been inherited unchanged in Palmyrene Aramaic. Nevertheless, the Palmyrene interest on the divine epithet raḥmān and its revival in Palmyrene epigraphy may be explained by the influence of the new Roman concept of clementia. Meanwhile, this contribution proposes to outline a chronology of the Aramaic inscriptions from Syria and Palestine, in which raḥmānāʾ is either the main substitute for the divine name, or a major divine epithet. As the Akkadian phonetic assimilates the consonant to the laryngeal but preserves the velar, the supposed East Semitic root was rḥm, not rḫm. On the contrary, in the Arabian Peninsula, the earliest attested root is rḫm, as evidenced by South Arabic onomastics or toponymy. A late use of rḥm in South Arabic as a verb or noun is the result of a loan from Aramaic and does not appear until the fifth century AD. The first South Arabian inscriptions naming the monotheistic god raḥmānn are preceded by the Palmyrene inscriptions by almost two centuries and are contemporary with the Jewish-Aramaic inscriptions in the Palestinian synagogues, which call the God Raḥmānāʾ. Late, the Aramaic epithet was transferred to the Arabic al-raḥmān, through South Arabian. (shrink)

The Aramaic of the Bible and Qumran, unlike Imperial Aramaic, possesses a unique prefix conjugation that functions as a narrative tense. Aramaists have appealed to various notions of tense, aspect, text-linguistics, and even Hebrew and Akkadian influence to solve the conundrum of the so-called preterite prefix conjugation. A novel proposal is offered here, based on the semantic category of modality. By beginning with future functions of the prefix conjugation and working backward through the present temporal sphere to occurrences (...) in the past, it is argued that modality accounts for the full range of the prefix conjugation’s syntactic functions, even those in independent narrative clauses. Thus, a unified theory of the form’s semantics emerges. (shrink)

This study is concerned with the placement of the secondary stress in Tiberian Biblical Aramaic. The challenging aspect of this placement is that, contrary to universal typology, both long-voweled CVVC, CVV and short-voweled CV syllables are stressed whereas short-voweled CVC syllables are not. This apparently abnormal distribution is rationalized by arguing that CV syllables became CVV due to a secondary lengthening of the short vowel. I claim that this lengthening is a late development and likely corresponds to the late (...) orthographical practice of regularly marking the secondary stress on open syllables. A similar lengthening in Eastern Syriac offers support for this interpretation. Finally, the common origin of Biblical Hebrew and Biblical Aramaic secondary stresses is briefly discussed. (shrink)

This article offers a typologically-driven and corpus-based analysis of the historical present (HP) “active participle” qātēl in Biblical Aramaic. The authors argue that qātēl instantiates the HP category quite neatly and provide three main arguments. First, qātēl complies with the definition of a progredient/propulsive HP that emerges from crosslinguistic literature: while, in its prototypical use, qātēl expresses some type(s) of present, it may also be employed in narrative to introduce past perfective events. Second, when used as an HP, qātēl (...) exhibits functions that are consistent with tendencies attested across languages: stylistically, the HP qātēl is often associated with expressivity, mirativity, and dramatism, while discourse-pragmatically, it is predominantly related to the progression (rarely, the climax) and atomization of the plot. Third, most other properties exhibited by the HP qātēl also harmonize with the behavior of HPs observed in linguistic typology; these concern types of clauses in which the HP qātēl appears, and subjects and verbs used. Overall, the HP qātēl can be viewed as a highlighting narrative device—subjective although linguistically constrained. (shrink)

In the Shadow of Bezalel: Aramaic, Biblical, and Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Bezalel Porten. Edited by AleJandro F. Botta. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, vol. 60. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Pp. l + 429, illus. €228.

The orthography of the relative pronoun and the near demonstrative pronoun in the Byblian dialect of Phoenician is exactly the same, meaning that the grapheme z in introductions to dedication inscriptions has been left to interpretation. The historically related nature of these pronouns and their linguistic development led to this situation, in which the written expression of both pronouns in Byblian is identical. In this article, I examine this situation from a variety of perspectives, using both inner-Phoenician word order and (...) comparative data from related languages, in order to show that two patterns underlie the pronoun z in the introduction to Byblian dedication inscriptions. First, I present the historical data regarding the development of the near demonstrative and relative pronouns in Phoenician. Next, I provide an analysis of the syntax of Phoenician dedication inscriptions and offer comparative material in mortuary inscriptions in Phoenician as well as evidence from Old Aramaic and Samʾalian. In doing so, I argue that, in light of comparative evidence, there is good reason to posit that two patterns exist underlying Byblian z, one in which the grapheme indicates the relative pronoun and another in which the grapheme indicates the near demonstrative. (shrink)

A Grammar of the Christian Neo-Aramaic Dialect of Diyana-Zariwaw. By Lidia Napiorkowska. Studies in Semitic Languages and Linguistics, vol. 81. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Pp. xiv + 600. $234, €181.