A lo largo de este trabajo se intentará realizar un estudio sobre las distintas etapas del programa educativo presentado por Platón en República VII y observar su relación con la alegoría de la caverna y el símil de la línea dividida. La mirada se enfocará en dos de los movimientos claramente descritos en dicha alegoría: la rotación (periagogé) y la ascensión (anábasis). ¿Cuál de las enseñanzas propuestas por el autor es la que posibilita la rotación del ojo del alma?, (...) ¿En qué consiste y cómo se lleva a cabo el ascenso desde el ámbito sensible hasta el ámbito inteligible?, ¿Que relación existe entre los objetos de estudio y los estados del alma en los distintos momentos de la alegoría de la caverna?, ¿Se puede hablar de paralelismo entre la línea, la caverna y el programa educativo? A partir de estas interrogantes se realizará un recorrido por los libros centrales y, entendiendo que es el problema de la educación del filósofo-gobernante el tema central de la obra, se intentará armonizar los distintos elementO s presentados en estos pasajes no solamente entre sí, sino también con la estructura general del diálogo. Palabras clave: Platón; Educación; Anábasis; Periagogé; RepúblicaAlong this work I will attempt to study the different stages of Plato’s educational program as presented in Republic VII, and to observe its relation with the allegory of the cave and the simile of the divided line. I will focus on two of the movements clearly described in that allegory: rotation (periagogé) and ascension (anábasis). Which of the teachings proposed by the author makes the rotation of the soul’s eye possible? What does the ascension from the sensitive domain to the intelligible one consist in? How is it carried out? Can we speak of a parallelism between the line, the cave and the educational program? Based on these queries I will go over the central books and, while being aware that the problem of the philosopher-ruler’s education is the central topic of the work, I will attempt to harmonize the different elements presented in these passages not only with each other, but also with the general structure of the dialogue. Keywords: Plato; Education; Anábasis; Periagogé; Republic. (shrink)

One of the foundational works of military history and political philosophy, and an inspiration for Alexander the Great, the Anabasis of Cyrus recounts the epic story of the Ten Thousand, a band of Greek mercenaries hired by Cyrus the Younger to overthrow his brother, Artaxerxes, king of Persia and the most powerful man on earth. It shows how Cyrus' army was assembled covertly and led from the coast of Asia Minor all the way to Babylon; how the Greeks held the (...) field against a superior Persian force; how Cyrus was killed, leaving the Greeks stranded deep within enemy territory; and how many of them overcame countless dangers and found their way back to Greece. Their remarkable success was due especially to the wily and decisive leadership of Xenophon himself, a student of Socrates who had joined the Ten Thousand and, after most of the Greek generals had been murdered, rallied the despondent Greeks, won a position of leadership, and guided them wisely through myriad obstacles. In this new translation of the Anabasis, Wayne Ambler achieves a masterful combination of liveliness and a fidelity to the original uncommon in other versions. Accompanying Ambler's translation is a penetrating interpretive essay by Eric Buzzetti, one that shows Xenophon to be an author who wove a philosophic narrative into his dramatic tale. The translation and interpretive essay encourage renewed study of the Anabasis as a work of political philosophy. They also celebrate its high adventure and its hero's adroit decision-making under the most pressing circumstances. (shrink)

Arrian's account of Alexander's brief time at Ephesus (Anab. 1.17.10–12) is shot through with political and factional violence, but he nevertheless concludes that Alexander received acclaim for what he did in the city. But what did Alexander actually do at Ephesus? Arrian offers a list of events that historians have traditionally interpreted as connected to Macedonian intervention in Asia Minor before indicating that Alexander put an end to the violence. This article offers a new reading of this passage by situating (...) these events in the context of fourth-century Ephesus to show how Alexander's actions responded to the local conditions that he encountered. (shrink)

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in (...) the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant. (shrink)

Mit einer Anschaulichkeit, die in der antiken Literatur ihresgleichen sucht, schildert Xenophon den abenteuerlichen Putschversuch des jungen persischen Prinzen Kyros gegen seinen Bruder, den Großkönig Artaxerxes II. Xenophon, selbst einer der Heerführer im Krieg 401 v. Chr., schildert packend die Vorgänge und beschreibt authentisch Land und Leute, Sitten und Bräuche. Damit legt er den Grundstein zur Memoirenliteratur: Caesars Gallischer Krieg oder Arrians Alexanderzug sind ohne Xenophon nicht denkbar.

In the Anabasis, his autobiographical account on the retreat of the Greek mercenary army after the defeat of the Persian prince Cyrus the Younger, Xenophon mentions a significant number of sacrifices. This paper deals with the analysis of the ritual, pragmatical, and narratological functions of these references as well as of their lexis and complexity. Therefore also a short overview of the role of sacrifices in the ancient Greek religion with a focus on military contexts is given.

Es un lugar común en los estudios sobre la Ciropedia de Jenofonte ver en ella un tratado sobre el liderazgo político (προστάτης; ἄρχων), así como un speculum principum para la Grecia de su tiempo y de toda la tradición occidental. Menos habitual ha sido leer la Anábasis como un tratado de filosofía política, pero tampoco han faltado solventes ejercicios que ven en ella otra obra de Jenofonte sobre el liderazgo político y en ambas la figura de un príncipe socrático (...) en una παμβασιλεία. (shrink)

The current situation in which the humanities are disparaged affects all university disciplines, including nursing, in whose historical evolution the humanities have always been present in one form or another. Looking beyond this disrepute, this study proposes that nursing renew its attention to classical philosophy. Specifically, it invites a close reading of Xenophon's Anabasis and Plato's Meno, to get three related goals: to show how the use of ancient texts are very valuable tools for the philosophical initiation of nursing students (...) and can help them reflect on their choice of nursing as a practical activity; to reflect on the problem of virtue and the nature of the good life; and to show how the interaction with ancient texts allows students to reflect on questions and issues of life, theirs and others, that are not open to investigation through a purely scientific method. Consequently, both Anabasis and Meno readings strengthen the intellectual relationship between philosophy and nursing, enabling the latter to delve deeper into the key questions of its own thought as a discipline. (shrink)

n interpretation of Xenophon's Anabasis of Cyrus, paralleling the text to Machiavelli's The Prince, and focusing on the question: How did the Socratic education help Xenophon reconcile morality with effectiveness, the noble with the good, as a ruler?

Through a detailed analysis of Xenophon's defence against a charge forhybrisamong the Ten Thousand, this paper discusses violence, reputation and hierarchy in Greek military and social contexts. Contrary to other recent treatments of the episode, the study highlights the centrality of honour/shame dynamics and of desert in establishing and upholding social order, showing that these notions are found consistently in numerous examples as early as Homer. Addressing the apparent lack of strict discipline in Greek armies, the paper concludes that shame (...) and peer pressure had a strong normative power in acknowledging and reconciling personal claims and common interests within a group. (shrink)

The evaluation of speeches in ancient histories by modern scholars is very varied. Tarn opened his discussion of ‘The speeches in Arrian’ with the following words:Speaking generally, one expects a speech in any ancient historian to be a fabrication, either composed by the historian himself or by a predecessor, or else some exercise from one of the schools or rhetoric which he had adopted.On the other hand, according to Fornara, ‘the fact does not seem to have been sufficiently appreciated that (...) the ancients unfailingly endorsed the convention that speeches must be reported accurately’. When Fornara made a generalization, he wrote as follows:The ancients had unanimously adopted the Thucydidean principle of honest reporting of the things that were said as well as the things that were done. (shrink)

Augustine converted to Christianity in 386 and described his conversion in his Confessiones a decade later. Much ink has been spilled concerning the question of the specific nature of Augustine’s conversion and the ‘historical accuracy’ of his description thereof 10 years later. The Confessiones seem to describe a volte face: he radically embraced Christianity. But to what kind of Christianity did he convert? We will readdress this question, not by investigating his conversion, but by a close exegesis of Confessiones 9, (...) in which he describes the so-called Ostia-ecstasy. In the first part of our article, we discuss the description of the latter experience in Confessiones 9 and situate it within his conversion narrative, with attention to the symbolical language he used. The second part compares the Ostia-experience with the ascent of the soul as described in Plotinus’ Enneads, and with similar ‘Neoplatonic ascents’ present in the Confessiones and in writings penned by Augustine prior to or simultaneous with the Confessiones in order to elucidate the relationship between Augustine’s ‘Christian’ conversion and ‘Ostia-ecstasy’ with the Neoplatonic anabasis. (shrink)

Las fuentes de la tradición indirecta de las Vidas (βίοι) de Alejandro se distinguen entre las más creíbles, enmarcadas en los límites de la historiografía y de la biografía imperiales, y aquellas de invención, más cercanas a la novela de viajes y la paradoxografía. Este trabajo propone ir más allá de esa categorización genérica para pensar la dualidad historia / ficción como material coexistente en las diferentes versiones en torno a la fundación de Alejandría según tres autores griegos de la (...) época imperial: Anábasis de Alejandro Magno de Arriano, Vida de Alejandro de Plutarco, Vida y Hazañas de Alejandro de Macedonia del Pseudo Calístenes. The sources of the indirect tradition of Alexander's Lives (βίοι) are distinguished among those more credible, framed within the limits of imperial historiography and biography, and those of invention, closer to the travel novels and paradoxography. This paper attempts to go beyond these genre categories to understand the duality history / fiction as material coexisting in the different versions about the founding of Alexandria by three Greek authors of the imperial period: Anabasis of Alexander the Great by Arrian, Life of Alexander by Plutarch and The life and exploits of Alexander the Great by Pseudo- Callisthenes. (shrink)

In his article ‘A Cavalry Unit in the Army of Antigonus Monophthalmus: Asthippoi’, N. G. L. Hammond argues that the reading of the manuscript R at Diodorus 19. 29. 2 should be retained and that we should read ⋯π⋯ π⋯σι δ⋯ το⋯ς τε ⋯σθ⋯ππους ⋯νομαζομ⋯νους κα⋯ τοὺς ⋯κ τ⋯ν ἄνω κατοικο⋯ντων ⋯κτακοσιο⋯ς. The readings of F and its copy X, ⋯νθ⋯ππους, and the commonly accepted conjecture of Wesseling ⋯μɸ⋯ππους, should both be abandoned. Hammond's arguments for retaining this reading are that (...) between the variant readings of R and F, R ‘is the more often correct’ ; ⋯σθ⋯ππους, the reading of R, is preferable to F's ⋯νθ⋯ππους on the principle of ‘lectio difficilior’; the ‘difficulty’ of his lectio difficilior is made less by the arguments presented by A. B. Bosworth, 245 ff.), for the restoration at several places in the text of Arrian's Anabasis the word ⋯σθ⋯ταιροι, in place of the editorial emendation of πεζ⋯ταιροι. ‘For just as asthetairoi meant an élite group of Macedonian infantrymen,’ says Hammond, ‘so asthippoi should mean an élite group of Macedonian cavalrymen.’ He then proceeds to examine the passage and its context in an attempt to find confirmation of this proposition and comes to the conclusion that Diodorus' text says that there were 800 cavalrymen, broken into two groups, the asthippoi and ‘the men from the up-country settlers’; these, though having different names, had a close relationship to each other, as is shown by their being brigaded together. Following his derivation of asthetairoi as meaning ‘townsmen-companions’, i.e. companions recruited from the towns of Upper Macedonia, he argues that asthippoi were cavalry recruited from the towns of Upper Macedonia and that τοὺς ⋯κ τ⋯ν ἄνω κατοικο⋯ντων means ‘the sons of settlers in up-country Macedonia’. These 800, says Hammond, were both among Antigonus' best troops and ‘were Macedonians from Europe’. We thus appear, on Hammond's interpretation, to have here a group of 800 Macedonian élite cavalrymen, all of whom were recruited in Upper Macedonia's townships, but of whom some were chosen to be the cavalry-equivalent of the élite ‘townsmen-companions’ by their title of ‘townsmen-cavalry’, whilst the others, similarly recruited – but perhaps of a younger generation? – had no particular distinguishing title beyond ‘sons of settlers in up-country Macedonia’.Now, while it would be exciting to be able to add another one, possibly two Macedonian cavalry units to the Macedonian army of Philip, Alexander and the Successors, there are several aspects of Hammond's arguments that, it seems to me, are less than convincing. Thus, whilst it seems beyond reasonable doubt that ⋯σθ⋯ταιροι should be retained in the text of Arrian, appearing, as it does, six times, this is not an argument that ⋯σθ⋯ππους should be read in Diodorus' text. Both it and F's reading of ⋯νθ⋯ππους are hapax legomena and it is possible that both readings are wrong. But even if we retain ⋯σθ⋯ππους as the correct reading, Hammond's explanation of its meaning is open to objection on several counts. (shrink)

1. IN the C.Q.xxxiv , pp. 118 ff., I wrote on ‘Some Uses of the Imperfect in Greek’ . It occurred tome to check the suggestions there made by examining all the instances in one author. I had no hesitation in choosing Herodotus, who of all authors, except perhaps Homer, presents the most baffling diversity of types . For purposes of comparison I also read Thucydides and Xenophon's Anabasis 1–4. It would appear that Thucydides retains something of Herodotus' freedom, Xenophon (...) comparatively little. (shrink)

La pratique de la divination, telle que Xénophon l’expose tout au long de l’Anabase, est la mise en œuvre d’un mode de communication avec les dieux qui peut emprunter des formes diverses, mais dont la principale est le sacrifice et l’observation des signes positifs ou négatifs, offerts par les victimes. Elle suppose une bienveillance de la divinité toujours prête, semble-t-il, à répondre aux questions posées par les hommes, dans le domaine public comme dans le privé, pourvu que ces questions soient (...) légitimes. Le reste de l’œuvre relève de la même conception, influencée par Socrate, comme le suggèrent les Mémorables, et trouve son origine dans la consultation de l’oracle de Delphes, au moment de son départ pour l’expédition organisée par Cyrus et qui deviendra l’expédition dite des Dix Mille.Divination, as described by Xenophon in the Anabasis, represents a means of communication with the gods, which can take several forms. The offer of a sacrifice is the first of these, with the observation of the signs given by the victims. This practice assumes that the gods are kind and that they are always ready to respond to questions posed by people either in public or in private, if these questions are legitimate. The same idea, influenced by Socrates, is found in all Xenophon’s works, as evidenced in the Memorabilia, beginning with Xenophon’s consultation of the Delphic oracle on joining Cyrus’ expedition, which would known as the “Ten Thousand” expedition. (shrink)