« L’approche de la « decolonialidad », telle qu’elle a été élaborée par Dussel, Quijano, Mignolo, Castro-Gomez, Lugones, Maldonado Torres et Grosfoguel, met en avant l’actualité du colonialisme. La « colonialité » désigne la « structure de pouvoir » mise en place à partir de la conquête de ce qu’on appelle « l’Amérique latine » par les Européens, comme condition et mode éminent d’établissement du capitalisme, qui constitue « le mode de domination le plus général du monde contemporain ». Au (...) cœur de cette « colonialité du pouvoir » se trouve une classification sociale eurocentrique de la population mondiale, selon des critères raciaux. En même temps, la thèse est formulée qu’un tel régime de domination s’installe dans la dimension constitutive du paradigme moderne de la raison – le binôme « rationalité/modernité ». Confronter la théorie critique de l’« École de Francfort » avec la question de la décolonialité permet de déplacer de manière décisive le centre de gravité de la répression de la nature interne, autour de laquelle se stabilise le sujet identique, à la répression que ce sujet exerce envers l’autre – à qui toute subjectivité est déniée et qui est au contraire assimilé à la nature externe. Odysseus sera remplacé par Cortés : les lignes d’une refonte de la préhistoire ( Urgeschichte ) de la subjectivité sont clairement offertes. Il s’agirait d’examiner de plus près le lien entre échange et violence, abstraction et domination, raison et domination, et de repenser la dialectique eurocentrée de l’ Aufklärung à la lumière de la conquête, c’est-à-dire de l’assujettissement des peuples indigènes, de ce qui allait devenir l’« Amérique » et de la traite des peuples africains. ». (shrink)

Decolonial/anti-colonial Black, Indigenous and Mestiza feminist movements and scholar-activists foreground how the oft-touted apocalypse that the Covid-19 pandemic heralds is not new, nor does it signify the great rupture into chaos that those from within modernity-coloniality often claim it to be. Rather Covid-19 is preceded by and will be out-lived by the apocalyptic anti-life onto-epistemological logics that are foundational to the (re)production of hetero-patriarchal capitalist-(settler) coloniality. However, one would commit the violence of reproduction of the epistemological logics and (ir)rationalities constitutive (...) of the current system if the story ended there. We have survived (despite our losses) and our survival points to the urgent necessity and responsibility of (critical) social theory to listen to the story of the pandemic from a Black/Indigenous genealogy and to begin the sense-making of the Covid-19 pandemic, from prior to this particular virus, outside, against and beyond the politics of knowledge of critical social theory itself. Thus, I invite you to journey to an affirmative re-enfleshment of reason and theory-making in relation to and dialogue with Black, Indigenous, and subaltern Mestiza feminist movements in southwest Colombia and in southeast so-called Australia in the unceded lands of the Awabakal and the Worimi. I explore this through the metaphor, the materiality, the cosmology and the herstory of the mangrove swamps a knowing-being otherwise (in)visible to the dehumanising gave of Whiteness and bring to thought three stories of a politics of knowledge of/as the Black/racialised and feminised body/flesh. To do this is to suggest that the co-creation of pathways which are life affirming and life making beyond and out of the post-Covid 19 conjuncture involves an epistemological-political project which decolonises and feminises the containments of reason and knowing (non)being of coloniality/modernity. (shrink)

Contemporary debates on decolonising knowledge production, inclusive of research on Africa, are crucial and challenge researchers to reflect on the legacies of colonial power relations that continue to permeate the production of knowledge about the continent, its peoples, and societies. Yet these are not new debates. Sixty years ago, Ghana’s first president and pan-Africanist leader, Dr Kwame Nkrumah, highlighted the importance of Africa-centred knowledge. Similarly, in the 1980s, Claude Ake advocated for endogenous knowledge production on Africa. But progress has (...) been slow at best, indicated by the enduring predominance of non-African writers on African issues within leading scholarly journals. Thus, we examine why decolonisation of knowledge production remains so necessary and what can be done within the context of scholarly research in the humanities and social sciences. These questions are addressed at two levels, one more practical and one more reflective . At both levels, issues of power inequalities and injustice are critical. At the practical level, the asymmetrical power relations between scholars in the Global North and South are highlighted. At a deeper level, the critiques of contemporary African authors are outlined, all contesting the ongoing coloniality and epistemic injustices that affect knowledge production on Africa, and calling for a more fundamental reorientation of ontological, epistemological, and methodological approaches in order to decolonise knowledge production. (shrink)

This article problematises the critical subject of the decolonisation of the university and theological education in South Africa from the neo-colonisation of commercialisation and commodification. The article, written from a decolonial perspective, serves as an epistemic critique of the cultures of corporatisation, rationalisation and entrepreneurship in higher education driven by the marketisation of society by the neoliberal institutions of globalisation. The article engages the role of decolonising theological education by drawing insights from African/Black theologies, the discourse on Africanisation (...) and liberation to counter the strangulation and dominance of the commodification and commercialisation of theological education and prosperity theology in Africa, particularly in South Africa. (shrink)

Based on Maldonado-Torres’s formulation of the term, we conceive the decolonial turn as a form of liberating and decolonising reason beyond the liberal and Enlightened emancipation of rationality, and beyond the more radical Euro-critiques that have failed to consistently challenge the legacies of Eurocentrism and white male heteronormativity (often Eurocentric critiques of Eurocentrism). We complement Maldonado-Torres’s account of the decolonial turn in philosophy, theory and critique by providing an analysis of the trajectories of academic philosophy and clarifying the (...) relevance of decolonising philosophy and of the decolonial turn for current efforts in transforming philosophy in face of the challenges of social movements such as the Third World Liberation Front and Black Lives Matter in the United States, and Rhodes Must Fall in South Africa and England. After a brief analysis of the trajectory and current status of philosophy as a discipline in the modern Western research university, we provide examples of the decolonial turn and of decolonising philosophy in three areas: the engagement with (1) Asian and (2) Latin American philosophies, and (3) debates in the philosophy of race and gender. (shrink)

This book provides an examination of the meanings of decolonisation and explores how this examination can inform teaching, researching, and practising of law It explores the ways in which the foundations of law are entangled in colonial thought and in its [re]production of ideas of commodification of bodies and space-time. Thus, it is an exploration of the ways in which we can use theories and praxes of decolonisation to produce legal knowledge for flourishing futures"--Publisher's description.

Calls to decolonise the curriculum gain traction across the academe. To a great extent, the movement echoes demands of the decolonisation era itself, a period from which academics draw both impetus and legitimacy. In this article, we examine the movement’s purchase when applied to the teaching of international law. We argue that the movement reinvigorates debates about the origins of international law, centring its violent foundations as well as its Eurocentric episteme. Yet, like many critical approaches toward international law, the (...) movement is smitten with itself and with the regime. As a consequence, the outcome of its activism and critique is predetermined: both must redeem the Eurocentrism of international law and its associated pedagogy. Calls to decolonise the curriculum ultimately validate the epistemological limitations inherent to a stratified, international order, failing to offer a genuine alternative framework or epistemology. (shrink)

Jane Campion and Gerard Lee's miniseries Top of the Lake (2013) marked New Zealand-born but Australian resident Campion's return to New Zealand for the first time since The Piano (1993). The show's central subject of child sexual abuse by state officials echoes the different yet resonating political situations in twenty-first century Australia and New Zealand, a state of emergency that allows for the emergence of what Rebecca Solnit (2009) calls a ‘disaster community’. Implicitly addressing critiques of her colonialist gaze in (...) the earlier film, the miniseries both decolonises the idea of the Utopian no-place and offers an alternate, emplaced vision of relational, anti-colonial provisional Utopia through the main, mirroring female characters, Detective Robin Griffin and her half-sister Tui Mitcham. In contrast to contemporaneous police procedurals focussed on lone female officers, Top of the Lake rejects the authority of the police state and offers a resolution aslant that critiques generic expectations of individual heroism and resolution within a legal framework. Looking specifically at how the show knows its place—Lake Wakatipu on South Island, New Zealand—the article offers a close reading of Top of the Lake's formal critique of the male colonial gaze and its adoption of a feminist soundscape in relation to Campion's oeuvre; and considers its politics through indigenous media theory, to argue that it marks an initial step towards a decolonisation of viewing practices in relation to feminist conceptions of Utopia. (shrink)

This article presents a conceptual analysis of the contemporary understanding of NURSING in Australia and proposes strategies for decolonisation. Through historical reflection and the lens of cultural safety and critical race theory, it examines some conditions which make up this concept, including “Florence Nightingale‐influenced practices,” “intellectual practitioners,” and “whiteness in nursing.” This analysis aims to identify conditions which we take to be necessary for the folk concept of NURSING to be satisfied and which result in negative outcomes. The article explores (...) why these conditions are plausibly included in this concept and possible objections to their inclusion. These conditions, and subsequently the concept of NURSING, are then critiqued. In this conceptual analysis of NURSING in Australia, we explore three conditions. By critically examining these conditions through the lens of cultural safety and employing decolonising methodologies, the article sheds light on the complex interplay of historical legacies, contemporary practices and potential negative outcomes within the nursing profession. The conclusions drawn propose a shift toward decolonisation, advocating for a cultural safety framework to address historical injustices and highlights possible ways in which one might amend the concept of nursing to be more inclusive of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The need for this change is emphasised by the acknowledgement of historical conditions that perpetuated racism and hindered equitable healthcare. Ultimately, the article advocates for a comprehensive decolonisation of the concept of NURSING in Australia, urging the nursing profession to implement cultural safety for the overall well‐being of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The authors of this article would like to acknowledge the people of the Dharawal and Dharug language group, who are the custodians of the unceded land we have worked on throughout this project. We would also like to acknowledge Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island people nationwide and warn them that some traumatic aspects of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander history are mentioned throughout this article. Always was, always will be, Aboriginal land. Two authors on this article identify as Aboriginal, while three do not. Two authors are registered nurses, one is an anthropologist, one is a philosopher and one is a historian. (shrink)

A critical examination of the history of theories and uses of concepts such as ‘primitive’ and ‘savage’ in the academic study of religion in imperial, colonial and postcolonial contexts is particularly urgent in our time with its demands to decolonise Western models of knowledge production. In Savage Systems (1996) and Empire of Religion (2014), David Chidester has contributed to this project by relating the invention and use of terms such as ‘religion’, ‘primitive’ and ‘savage’ by theorists of religion in European (...) imperial metropoles to South African colonial and indigenous contexts. This article intends to take Chidester’s project further by relating Gerardus Van der Leeuw’s phenomenological analysis of ‘primitive mentality’ (particularly in De primitieve mensch en de religie, 1937) to Chidester’s analysis and postcolonial critique of imperial theories of religion. By taking animism and dreams in Chidester’s and Van der Leeuw’s works as example, it is argued that in spite of the latter’s decontextualised use of ethnological material, a fundamental shift occurred in the judgement of ‘primitive’ religion from Tylor’s evolutionary to Van der Leeuw’s phenomenological analysis, which is contrary to claims according to which modern theories are unanimously denigratory of indigenous religions. (shrink)

En dépit des déclarations fracassantes sur le « tabou » qui pèserait en France sur l’histoire de la colonisation, celle-ci se porte bien. Les recherches se sont multipliées dans les vingt dernières années et elles sont à l’origine d’une production bien insérée dans les revues et en bonne place sur les tables des librairies. Au fil d’échanges nourris avec les réseaux anglophones, ces recherches se sont postcolonialisées de façon critique et participent de plain pied aux débats de la « (...) nouvelle histoire impériale ». L’histoire de la colonisation est enseignée dans le secondaire et à l’université et là aussi la discordance est flagrante entre des débats publics qui dénoncent sempiternellement sa marginalisation, ou au contraire sa surreprésentation, et une diffusion active reposant notamment sur la traduction de travaux influents comme l’important programme de recherche formulé au cours des années 1990 par Frederick Cooper et Ann Stoler. Dès lors, comment relier ces trois éléments : le discret mais solide épanouissement académique de l’histoire de la colonisation depuis la fin des années 1990, la virulente controverse ouverte à partir de 2005 autour des études postcoloniales et un sens commun qui s’est approprié ce terme séduisant, mais qui peine à lui donner un contenu allant au-delà de la fausse évidence d’une distanciation mécaniquement produite par l’usure du temps? (shrink)

This essay will critically analyse how conquest that resulted in white settler colonialism laid the foundation for epistemic violence. Epistemic violence, which took the form of the imposition of the law of the European conqueror in the wake of land dispossession in 1652 in South Africa is the fundamental problem this essay will critically engage with. We will rely on the Azanian philosophical tradition as a theoretical framework to critique this legal epistemic violence. Our theoretical framework is in line (...) with Afrikan jurisprudence, which is grounded in the culture and worldview of the Indigenous people conquered in wars of conquest. Fundamental to our argument is that the law of the European conqueror, which was imposed through conquest is a Eurocentric enterprise, which seeks to negate the Afrikan worldview and culture and reinforce historic injustice. It is important to note that epistemic violence commenced with the issuing of papal bulls, which undergirded conquest and white settler colonialism in South Africa. The thesis of the essay is that in the wake of conquest and the attendant imposition of the law of the European conqueror, white settlers used their law to technicalise issues of historic injustice such as land dispossession. It is in this sense that this essay seeks to contribute to the decolonisation of law by foregrounding the worldview and culture of the Indigenous conquered people. (shrink)

This article re-investigates the underlying values driving the rapidly growing rewilding movement in Europe and North America. In doing so, we respond to a common academic narrative that draws a sharp distinction between North American and European approaches to rewilding. Whereas the first is said to promote a colonial vision of wilderness, European rewilding is claimed to value a more inclusive notion of wildness. We challenge this narrative through a genealogical investigation into the wild(er)ness ideas that inspired rewilding, showing that (...) North American and European rewilding draw from similar philosophical sources with cross-continental origins. Thus, we contend that a linguistic shift from ‘wilderness’ to ‘wildness’ fails to engage substantively with the colonial critique it alleges to resolve. Through two case studies, we show how both wilderness and wildness concepts have been employed to support either colonialism or decolonial resistance and draw attention to the need to consider specific socio-political contexts when assessing rewilding. Ultimately, we propose that reclaiming a liberatory meaning of wild(er)ness, articulated in a critical tradition of wild(er)ness advocacy, will be an essential step in decolonising rewilding. (shrink)

This article builds on my recent engagement with James Cone’s binary view of Africanness and Christianity which focused on his Western locus of enunciation and the criticism he received from his African American colleagues. I believe that analogical questions regarding Christian theology’s attitude towards Africanness in general and African religiosity in particular present themselves to us who live in and try to make sense of South African reality today, including white people like myself. I start by introducing a decolonial perspective (...) as it manifests itself through the recent #MustFall student movements. In this context, I offer three theses regarding the decolonial perspective on African religiosity, each of which constitutes a more or less direct critique of Cone’s ambivalent attitude towards Africanness, and African Traditional Religions in particular. The first thesis concerns the distinction between postcoloniality and decoloniality; the second thesis concerns engaging African religiosity as a requirement for decolonising Christian theology; and the third thesis concerns problematising the relationship between the categories of blackness and Africanness. (shrink)

The imperative to decolonise health disciplines underscores the need for a critical examination of the coloniality of nursing knowledge development. Decolonising nursing requires epistemic resistance aimed at exposing and dismantling epistemological hierarchies that marginalise indigenous knowledges. This paper introduces the ‘Pluriverse of Nursologies’ as paradigm to guide decolonial theorising in nursing. Through a four‐part exploration, I first elucidate the coloniality embedded in mainstream nursing knowledge. Next, I offer a decolonial critique of Fawcett's nursing metaparadigm as an exemplar of (...) pyramidal epistemology. I then discuss pluriversality as an approach to decolonising nursing knowledge. Finally, I introduce the Pluriverse of Nursologies (PoN) as a meta‐theoretical paradigm for theory and knowledge development that decentres and dismantles the pyramidal epistemology of colonial/modern nursing, and relinks diverse nursologies from marginalised communities to the centre of intellectual nursing discourse, thereby revitalising the theoretical landscape of the discipline. (shrink)

Mgr Félix Hedde (1879-1960), o.p., est un personnage-clé de la mission des dominicains de Lyon dans le Haut-Tonkin. Son long ministère au Việt Nam (1926-1960) en fit un témoin privilégié d’une période dramatique de l’histoire du pays. Il a connu les années prospères de la colonisation française jusqu’en 1940, les souffrances de ses compatriotes pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale et la guerre d’Indochine, leur humiliation face à la décolonisation forcée, et enfin la persécution ouverte ou larvée des chrétiens sous le (...) régime communiste. Chez Félix Hedde, l’amour pour la mission du Tonkin, le désir d’y implanter l’Église, se conjuguait à sa volonté d’honorer ses traditions familiales et nationales. L’épreuve de l’occupation japonaise, de la guerre d’Indochine, des défaites de l’armée française, autant que le réconfort de la fidélité des chrétiens vietnamiens de la mission dans une situation de plus en plus critique, détachant Mgr Hedde de ses rêves patriotiques, le conduisirent à l’accomplissement de sa vocation missionnaire. Les conditions particulières de son territoire de mission, où les ethnies montagnardes sont très largement majoritaires, l’amenèrent cependant à proposer pour lui succéder le Français André Jacq, privant ainsi d’évêque les chrétiens du lieu, de 1958 à 1990. (shrink)

The paper goes beyond critique to read institutional approaches, specifically institutional logics of CSR in India and their management by Indian firms, from a post-colonial location, to explore decolonising possibilities. Drawing on post-colonial approach of catachrestic reading, it reads institutional logics of CSR literature to argue against a linear hierarchical travel of western CSR logic into India, which is then adapted/adopted/translated or decoupled, along with the secondary status this implies for India; and suggests that Indian and western CSR (...) logics are competing logics. It argues that these competing logics are non-core, but significant and need to be managed by Indian firms. An exploratory survey supports this argument. It also suggests a few testable propositions for CSR institutional logics using “deferment of routine development” and “strategic ambiguity in meanings” as mechanisms. In addition, it shows that decolonising purpose can also be realised by having cross-paradigmatic engagements with mainstream management and organisation studies scholarship such as institutional approaches. (shrink)

Drawing on the analytic of the “colonial matrix of power” developed by Aníbal Quijano within the Latin American modernity/coloniality research program, this article theorises how a system of coloniality underpins the structuring logic of artificial intelligence (AI) systems. We develop a framework for critiquing the regimes of global labour exploitation and knowledge extraction that are rendered invisible through discourses of the purported universality and objectivity of AI. ​​Through bringing the political economy literature on AI production into conversation with scholarly work (...) on decolonial AI and the modernity/coloniality research program, we advance three main arguments. First, the global economic and political power imbalances in AI production are inextricably linked to the continuities of historical colonialism, constituting the colonial supply chain of AI. Second, this is produced through an international division of digital labour that extracts value from majority world labour for the benefit of Western technology companies. Third, this perpetuates hegemonic knowledge production through Western values and knowledge that marginalises non-Western alternatives within AI’s production and limits the possibilities for decolonising AI. By locating the production of AI systems within the colonial matrix of power, we contribute to critical and decolonial literature on the legacies of colonialism in AI and the hierarchies of power and extraction that shape the development of AI today. (shrink)

This paper offers a critique of ‘powerful knowledge’ – a concept in Education Studies that has been presented as a just basis for school curricula. Powerful knowledge is disciplinary knowledge produced and refined through a process of ‘specialisation’ that usually occurs in universities. Drawing on postcolonial, decolonial and Indigenous studies, we show how powerful knowledge seems to focus on the progressive impulse of modernity while overlooking the ruination of colonial racism. We call on scholars and practitioners working with the (...) powerful knowledge framework to address more fully the hegemonic relations of disciplinary specialisation and its historical connections to colonial-modernity. This, we argue, would enable curriculum knowledge that is ‘powerful’ in its interrogation of racial violence, rather than in its epistemic reproduction of it. (shrink)

The wide acceptance and maturation of the theology of missio Dei is the most important development in the theology of mission in recent times. It introduced a radically new understanding of mission and theology, and flowing from that a re-appropriation of ecclesiology. Mission studies are also characterised by a new appreciation of mission from the margins: liberation theology and the associated discourses on decoloniality, deep engagement in contextuality and the explosion of missional ecclesiology. This apostolic orientation of the church is (...) of the utmost importance in the reflection on the future of theology. This research attends to the postcolonial discourse as an important critique of colonialism and understands the emancipation of Africanised or decolonised theological education as an inevitable and positive development. Contextual sensitivity, attention to diverse power structures and a predisposition to appreciate diversity open imaginative possibilities for theological education. This leads to the argument that decolonial African theology must confront issues of biblical hermeneutics. The proposal of this research is that missional hermeneutic is an excellent starting point. It describes the contours of a missional hermeneutic, attending to mission as central to the Biblical story, the meaning of mission and the conviction that reading Scriptures constitutes an essential part of missional praxis. Missional hermeneutic is a centring vision and purpose for theological education. The argument is for a missional curriculum that defines a centre that unifies the various disciplines, one that places mission and missiology at the heart of theological education. (shrink)

En 1974 Jacques Rancière examinait la leçon de marxisme donné par le philosophe Louis Althusser à un collègue anglais et en faisait l'occasion d'un bilan sur l'althussérisme lui-même. Althusser avait imposé dans les années 1960 l'idée d'un retour à la vraie pensée de Marx, en phase avec les formes nouvelles de la pensée structuraliste (ethnologie de Lévi-Strauss, psychanalyse lacanienne, archéologie du savoir de Foucault) mais aussi avec les nouveaux espoirs révolutionnaires qui secouaient la planète à l'heure des luttes de décolonisation (...) et de la révolution culturelle chinoise. Or les événements de 1968 avaient montré le total décalage de ce marxisme renouvelé par rapport aux aspirations portées par les mouvements de la jeunesse et aux formes prises par la mobilisation populaire. La pensée du renouveau théorique et politique s'était transformée en pensée de l'ordre. Mais aussi, dans le contexte de l'après-68, cette pensée de l'ordre ne pouvait trouver son efficacité qu'en s'exprimant dans le langage de la subversion. La Leçon d'Althusser s'attachait à dégager les conditions de ce renversement en examinant le coeur politique de la philosophie althussérienne, l'opposition de la science et de l'idéologie, à la lumière de l'histoire récente mais aussi à celle de la tradition ouvrière et révolutionnaire. Ce texte devenu introuvable est aujourd'hui réédité avec une préface de l'auteur qui en souligne l'actualité : le destin de cette pensée de la subversion devenue une justification de l'ordre existant n'est que le premier épisode d'un mouvement politique et intellectuel bien plus vaste. Des années 1970 jusqu'à notre présent nous avons été témoins d'une vaste contre-révolution politique et intellectuelle dirigée contre tous les acquis des mouvements populaires d'un siècle et contre toute idée d'émancipation. Or cette contre-révolution a continuellement recyclé à son profit tous les thèmes de la pensée marxiste et critique d'hier. La Leçon d'Althusser mettait en lumière le mécanisme fondamental de ce processus et anticipait en ce sens le travail poursuivi par Jacques Rancière jusque dans des livres récents comme La Haine de la démocratie et Le Spectateur émancipé. Ce travail est donc propre à aider à la compréhension du présent et à la reformulation d'une pensée de l'émancipation. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThis paper is a critical response to Amy Allen’s The End of Progress: Decolonising the Normative Foundations of Critical Theory. We take up her book’s call for a “problematizing” history which challenges “taken-for-granted” preconceptions in order to contest Allen’s own representation of the thought of the enlightenment. Allen accepts that all the enlighteners agreed upon a stadial, progressive account of history, which she critiques epistemically and normatively. But we show in Part 2, drawing on the work of Henri Vyverberg (...) and other historians of eighteenth century ideas, that a cyclical, rise and fall account of historical succession was more prominent than the progressive narrative in leading enlighteners such as Montesquieu, Voltaire, Diderot, D’Alembert, Condillac, Jancourt, Grimm, and Raynal, all of whom Allen does not mention. In Part 3, we show that not all thinkers of the enlightenment were pro-colonial or pro-imperialist, as Allen also presupposes in The End of Progress. By examining Abbé Raynal’s History of The Two Indies in Part 3, and notably its Diderotian interpolations, we show that many enlighteners propounded fierce criticisms of European colonialism and the slave trade, even calling directly for armed resistance against European infractions. In critical theorists’ search for chastened normative foundations, our concluding remarks contend, there is a need to develop more accurate, balanced, post-postmodern reckonings of the enlightenment. (shrink)

Souvent abordée par sa « micropolitique du désir », l’œuvre commune de Deleuze et Guattari est rarement sollicitée lorsqu’on s’interroge sur les problèmes classiques ou contemporains de la pensée politique : la forme-État, la souveraineté, le rapport de la violence et du droit, la guerre, le paradigme de la Nation et les recombinaisons qu’il a entraînées entre les idées de peuple, de citoyenneté et de minorité. En suivant la trajectoire conduisant du premier tome de Capitalisme et schizophrénie (1972) au second (...) (1980), ce sont pourtant tous ces problèmes qui se trouvent réélaborés, au fil d’une conjoncture de transition historique marquée par la fin des guerres de décolonisation, la transformation du capitalisme mondial, les recompositions aussi profondes qu’incertaines des forces de résistance collective. Encore faut-il, pour mesurer les prises de la pensée guattaro-deleuzienne sur les bouleversements de son temps, la confronter à ce qui fut son interlocuteur principal, le marxisme, à son champ épistémique (le matérialisme historique), à son programme critique (la critique de l’économie politique) et à sa grammaire politique (la lutte des classes). De ces pourparlers, trois hypothèses nouvelles se dégagent : celle d’un « Urstaat », incarnant un excès de la violence souveraine sur l’appareil d’État et sur ses investissements politiques ; celle d’une puissance de « machine de guerre », que les États ne peuvent jamais s’approprier que partiellement, et à laquelle ils peuvent eux-mêmes se subordonner ; celle d’un excès du « destructivisme » de l’accumulation capitaliste sur son organisation productive. Dans ce triple excès, la pensée politique de Deleuze et Guattari trahit le spectre de l’entre-deux-guerres qui la hante, mais qui la fait aussi communiquer avec les penseurs actuels de l’impolitique. S’y donnent à lire non seulement une nouvelle théorie politique, mais aussi un tableau de la pluralité des voies d’ascension à l’extrême-violence susceptibles de détruire la politique même et auxquelles les luttes contemporaines ne peuvent s’épargner de faire face. (shrink)

Paradoxically, loss is the only unconditional possession possible in elegy. A deep understanding of this phenomenon is to be found in long prose forms and lyricism of contemporary Australian writers. Turning the history of literature – from the Medieval to the contemporary – into a body of work more relevant to our ecological plight, in Kinsella’s corpus genres are consequences of textual events operating within an organic totality. This totality deconstructs the reference point for elegy: loss as the condition of (...) thought and experience. Sidestepping while matrixially reconfiguring traditional and experimental forms of writing, Kinsella’s engagement with genre exemplifies not only the undoing of the codes that constitute all possible readings of a text; it is an implicit critique of speech acts that tend to “fix” life into static nouns, reflecting our culture’s ideology of appropriation of nature. Within a critical counterpoint to appropriation, Australian writing can be read as both urging readers to remain alert to pastoral precedents yet avoid projecting genre onto texts. To some extent, elegy has been decolonised in Australian pastoral. (shrink)

A abstração da presença – a sublimação do corpo e a desconsideração dos sentidos – é, como diria Hans Gumbrecht, um dos efeitos da metafísica, pela qual realiza-se a “perda do mundo”, a radical descorporalização exigida pela razão moderna. Alimentada pelas concepções filosóficas da Modernidade, esta tendência foi constantemente enfatizada pelas teorias educacionais até hoje influentes nos meios pedagógicos, além de sedimentada pelas limitações próprias ao modelo escolar amplamente instituído. A crítica e a superação desse modo de ser configura-se hoje (...) como urgência eminentemente política de enfrentamento das múltiplas ameaças que pesam hoje sobre a sociedade brasileira, e particularmente sobre todos os grupos que fazem corpo contra a intolerância, contra o racismo, enfim contra o que Achille Mbembé denominou necropolítica. Mas, estaria a filosofia da educação preparada para enfrentar tal urgência? Palavras-chave: corpo-mundo; cosmopolitismo; filosofia da educação; decolonialidade; formação humana. Recovering the body-world Abstract: The abstraction of the presence – the sublimation of the body and the disregard of the senses – is, as Hans Gumbrecht would say, one of the effects of metaphysics, by which takes place the "loss of the world", the radical decorpocorporality required by modern reason. Fueled by the philosophical conceptions of Modernity, this tendency was constantly emphasized by the educational theories that are still influential in the pedagogical environments, being sedimented by the inherent limitations of the widely established school model. The criticism and the overcoming of this way of being is configured today as an eminently political urgency to confront the multiple threats to Brazilian society, and particularly to all groups that make body against intolerance, against racism, and finally against Achille Mbembé called “necropolitics”. But is the philosophy of education prepared to meet such an urgency? Key-words: body-world; cosmopolitanism; philosophy of education; decoloniality; human paideia. Récupérer le corps-monde Résumé : L’abstraction de la présence – la sublimation du corps et le mépris des sens – est, comme le dirait Hans Gumbrecht, l'un des effets de la métaphysique, par lequel s’opère la “ perte du monde “, la désincarnation radicale qu’exige la raison moderne. Nourrie par les conceptions philosophiques de la Modernité, cette tendance a été constamment mise en avant par des théories pédagogiques qui font encore autorité dans les milieux pédagogiques, en plus d’être sédimentée par les limites inhérentes au modèle scolaire largement établi. La critique et le dépassement de ce mode d’être se fait aujourd’hui une urgence éminemment politique, car il s’agit de faire face aux multiples menaces qui pèsent aujourd’hui sur la société brésilienne et singulièrement sur tous les groupes qui font corps contre l'intolérance, contre le racisme, bref, contre ce qu’Achille Mbembé appelle la nécropolitique. Mais la philosophie de l’éducation serait-elle en mesure d’étayer la réponse à une telle urgence? Mots-clés: corps-monde; cosmopolitisme; philosophie de l’éducation; décolonisation; formation humaine. Data de registro: 14/03/2022 Data de aceite: 20/07/2022. (shrink)

The liberation of black humanity has been an area of scholarly reflection by black theologians and the black consciousness communities. The constructs of oppression such as race, class and sexism amongst others have been critiqued in the quest for liberation of a fragmented black humanity. In this article, this quest for liberation happens within ubuhlanti [kraal], a site for which Vuyani Vellem is ‘like a hermeneutical circle, where the mediations of the bonds of spheres and the instantiation of their life (...) take place’. By looking at a fragmented black humanity and black women’s experiences, we posit that no western framework could ever be representative of those bodies, ubuhlanti becomes our solution as a heuristic device and symbol of a communication of the efficacy of integrated life. From a womanist perspective, ubuhlanti decentres the West. Ebuhlanti Amandla ngawethu [power belongs to us], as black women and men dialogue issues that affect black humanity. The whole proposition of this dialogue ebuhlanti is animated by our lived experiences, which already offer alternatives for us to decentre.Contribution: Premised by the lived experiences of black humanity in their quest for liberation, this paper contributes in the dewesternising discourse by presenting alternative epistemologies and spiritualities. A womanist dialogue with black theology of liberation ebuhlanti, a decolonising and decentring praxis for the liberation of black humanity is our solution as blacks. (shrink)

This paper argues for a decolonial praxis in critical peace education. Drawing on an integrative review method, the paper synthesises approaches, practices, and theories from peace and peace education literature with special attention paid to the concepts of critical peace education, cosmopolitanism, postcolonial thought, and decolonial action. The paper particularly explores the philosophical contributions of postcolonial and decolonial thought and how each could help toward decolonising approaches for critical peace education. The concept of ‘structural violence’ is critiqued as obfuscating (...) individual responsibility. Insights are drawn here from the closely related field of global citizenship education that argues for a focus less on empathy and more on causal responsibility. Before concluding, the paper discusses a ‘pedagogy for the privileged’ and ‘pedagogy of discomfort’ that both might better support a decolonial praxis for critical peace education in theory and practice. (shrink)

The idea that states and the international community have a responsibility to protect populations at risk has framed internationalist debates about conflict prevention, humanitarian aid, peacekeeping and territorial administration since 2001. This book situates the responsibility to protect concept in a broad historical and jurisprudential context, demonstrating that the appeal to protection as the basis for de facto authority has emerged at times of civil war or revolution - the Protestant revolutions of early modern Europe, the bourgeois and communist revolutions (...) of the following centuries and the revolution that is decolonisation. This analysis, from Hobbes to the UN, of the resulting attempts to ground authority on the capacity to guarantee security and protection is essential reading for all those seeking to understand, engage with, limit or critique the expansive practices of international executive action authorised by the responsibility to protect concept. (shrink)

The debate on feminism and ‘religion’ has rarely been suggested as a critique of modernity that has silenced other possible cultural, epistemological and spiritual options. Efforts have been made to ascertain whether ‘religion’ is ‘good’ or ‘bad’ for – or indeed an ally or threat to – women’s liberation. More specifically, in a European context, contemporary discussions of ‘religion’ and the rights of women have been very much centred on Islam. Yet, none of these narratives have resolved the intrinsic (...) colonial character of modernity. This article explores the debate on both Islamic and Western feminism from a decolonial perspective. It argues that today, feminist theory faces the tremendous challenge of how to encounter the colonial and not only redefine, but also review the concepts and categories upon which Western feminism bases its arguments. Drawing on the work of the Spanish-Syrian Islamic decolonial thinker, Sirin Adlbi Sibai, this article develops a critical, self-reflexive approach that questions secular assumptions regarding feminist analyses of ‘religion’. In doing so, I present the decolonising of feminism as an invitation to (re)imagine our feminist encounters. (shrink)

More than any other legal philosopher in the Anglo-American jurisprudence of the 1970s and 1980s Joseph Raz defined with analytical clarity the parameters for a theory of the limits of laws and legal systems. This work was foundational not only for those wishing to defend such theory but also for others (like myself) who took a systematic approach to challenging it. In laying out the conditions for a limited understanding of laws and legal systems, the early works of Raz also (...) reveal the conditions that must be met for its critique. By reference to Raz, the first paragraph of my PhD dissertation, submitted in July 1991, declared a challenge to the notion of both a limited legal system and the boundedness of individual legal rules and principles. In this sense, it contains clear echoes of the thesis of the limits of law as expounded by Raz. In my critique of the limits of law, I did not follow the Anglo-American tradition, but rather postmodern, notably deconstructive, thought. My aim was to argue for the intrinsically plural and—at that stage _de_-limited—nature of laws and legal systems. It was a further 25 years before I argued more forcefully in favour of an _un_limited aspect to law. Nonetheless a recurring obsession with the question of the limits of law and its relationship to the different notions of legal plurality has defined essentially all my work in legal philosophy. In this paper, I will trace the connections to these early works of Raz and their resonance in my subsequent works. A critical questioning of the limits of law in my view remains essential to a generative view of law appropriate to the 21st century—that is a view of law that is intrinsically open to modern imperatives of decolonisation, anti-hierarchical social relationships, and care for our living planet. This article is a lightly referenced and slightly expanded version of a keynote lecture delivered online as part of the workshop ‘Plural Visions of Law—the Legacy of Joseph Raz’ hosted by York University, 11 May 2023. (shrink)

Hélé Béji est écrivain. Agrégée de lettres modernes, elle a enseigné la littérature à l'Université de Tunis avant de travailler à l'Unesco en tant que fonctionnaire internationale. En 1998, elle fonde le Collège international de Tunis, société littéraire où des penseurs tunisiens et étrangers viennent s’exprimer sur la culture et la politique contemporaines. Elle est l’auteur d´essais et récits qui brossent un portrait critique de la décolonisation et de l’identité culturelle. Elle consacre également des ouvrages à la question féminine, (...) en analysant les signes de sécularisation de la religion musulmane au sein des sociétés modernes. Parmi ses ouvrages publiés, on citera Désenchantement national (1982), L’imposture culturelle (1997), Nous, Décolonisés (2006), Islam Pride (2011). Nous l’avons rencontrée pour un entretien autour de son dernier ouvrage Dommage Tunisie. La dépression démocratique, Gallimard, 2019. (shrink)

Introduction -- The historical phase -- Western discourse on Africa -- Egyptology : an African response to western discourse -- Afrocentricity -- African philosophy's ethnophilosophy -- Tempels on Bantu philosophy -- African religions and philosophy -- Horton on African and western thought systems -- General critiques -- Professional approach to African philosophy -- Ethnophilosophy and professional philosophy -- The myth and reality of African philosophy -- Traditional thought and modern philosophy in africa -- On Wiredu's truth as opinion -- Philosophic (...) sagacity --Sage philosophy and philosophic sagacity -- Relevance of sagacious reasoning -- Keita's objections -- Tthree ways of approaching philosophic sagacity -- Masolo on philosophic sagacity -- Odera Oruka's mission in African philosophy -- Nationalist-ideological philosophy -- Nationalist-ideological philosophy and ethnophilosophy -- Consciencism : philosophy and ideology for decolonisation -- Ujamaa : the basis of African socialism -- African socialism and the federal system in postcolonial Africa -- African philosophical hermeneutics -- Universalism and particularism -- Hermeneutical orientation in African philosophy. (shrink)

Delphine Abadie Malgré une historiographie riche de plusieurs orientations, les imaginaires, la recherche et les débats académiques semblent parfois demeurer enfermés dans l’exigence d’un devoir-être de la philosophie africaine tout à fait caractéristique du seul moment ethnophilosophique. Pourtant, les avenues les plus récentes en philosophie africaine partagent un ensemble de présupposés qui rendent inopérante cette confrontation stérile entre un type de philosophie qui désignerait la « véritable » manière de décoloniser les épistémologies africaines, et toutes les autres formes de la (...) philosophie en Afrique. Depuis les années 1980, on doit constater pourtant que la plupart des philosophes du continent ont emprunté des avenues qui nous éloignent de ce premier moment décolonial de l’« authenticité africaine » en internalisant les critiques développées durant les plusieurs décennies qu’a duré la fameuse querelle de la philosophie africaine. Éclairé par la distinction entre approche décoloniale et approche postcoloniale, cet article propose une relecture des chemins parcourus, des détours et des mutations opérées par la philosophie africaine telle qu’elle s’est développée dans l’espace francophone depuis les années 1940 jusqu’à nos jours. (shrink)

In the context of calls to decolonise education in European contexts, this paper draws on coloniality-based critiques of Eurocentric modernity to take up the links between democracy, slavery, and colonialism in education. Starting from the position that modernity requires epistemological support to sustain racism and white supremacy in European democracies, we read coloniality-based critiques of democracy with empirical literature about the teaching of slavery. We consider possibilities for revised critical engagements with democracy and with the history of European colonialism and (...) slavery. The paper builds on and contributes to recent decolonial critiques of democracy in education by explicitly engaging a tension raised around the possibility of disentangling democracy from its colonial roots. (shrink)

Bien que les théoriciens du « retour du politique»s’efforcent de penser l’agir selon ses propres termes, c’est-à-dire en l’absence de fondements philosophiques, ils invoquent fréquemment des récits eurocentriques au sujet de l’histoire occidentale pour justifier la force critique de leur mode de pensée. La première partie de cet article met en évidence ce provincialisme du politique tel qu’il est en jeu chez Claude Lefort et Cornelius Castoriadis. Dans un deuxième moment, je présente la rencontre entre Socialisme ou Barbarie et (...) la tendance Johnson Forest, autour de C. L. R. James et Grace Lee Boggs, comme une occasion de dépasser ce provincialisme, en esquissant une contre-histoire à la fois partagée et divisée au sein des espaces transnationaux de l’Atlantique noir. Enfin, une troisième partie organise un dialogue entre le « retour du politique » et des contributions récentes en théorie décoloniale qui, s’inspirant de Merleau-Ponty, visent à repenser l’universel au-delà de ses enchevêtrements avec la domination coloniale. (shrink)

En mettant en question l’utilisation par les colonisés de la langue des colonisateurs et en appelant au retour aux langues africaines, l’écrivain kényan Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o a produit sans doute la critique la plus radicale et la plus audacieuse qui soit, de la colonisation de l’esprit. Cet article le met en conversation avec Karl Marx dans l'esprit de la pensée de Jane Anna Gordon sur la créolisation de la théorie politique.

On 1 December 2019, over one hundred Aboriginal nations performed ancestral and creation dances in synchrony across the Australian continent. One of the communities that danced was the Anaiwan nation from the north-eastern region of New South Wales, Australia. Since 2014 I have been working with Anaiwan people in a collaborative activist research project, creating and maintaining an Aboriginal community garden on the fringes of my hometown of Armidale as a site for land reclamation and decolonising, multispecies research. The (...) community garden is adjacent to the site of the old East Armidale Aboriginal Reserve, where over one hundred dispossessed Aboriginal people were forced to live on the municipal town garbage depot in the mid-twentieth century. This paper positions both the Nation Dance 2019 movement, and the Armidale Aboriginal Community Garden, as rhythmic events that activate Aboriginal Law and sovereignty that is held enduring in the land but that has been buried alive by the settler-colonial state. Focusing on the tensions between deep Indigenous ancestral temporality and colonial territoriality, I argue that the emergence of the Anthropocene reveals a dangerous dissonance between the rhythms of Aboriginal Law patterned through present-day Australian environments and the grid-based structures of colonial governance imposed upon them. (shrink)

Can mythology be a form of critical theory in the service of right? From the standpoint of an Enlightenment tradition, the answer is no. Mythology is characterised by irrationality, and works to mystify reality, whilst critical theory is set against the irrational, its entire force directed at demystifying reality. In a post-Enlightenment tradition, reason, including critical reason, may take mythological form—indeed, there is identity as much as non-identity between the two forms, a mimetic relationship in which the rational cannot be (...) freed of the mythological any more than myth can stand outside reason. However, the work of critical theory remains essentially the same. Whether in the form of rational myth or mythological reason, critical theory must remain in the service of right in the sense of ‘the true’, and thus remains an enlightenment project. In contrast, the aim of this essay is to put forward a model of critical theory that is sympathetic with mythology, not only in its form, but also in the work that it does, which is not in the service of the true but of the good. That model is Peter Fitzpatrick’s seminal work of jurisprudence, The Mythology of Modern Law. After addressing how Fitzpatrick’s Mythology is in the form of a negative mythology, the essay elaborates the critical work of such mythological critical theory. In the case of Mythology, that work involves creating the conditions for a mythological legal pluralism, through the decolonisation of law. (shrink)